France — National parliament voting intention

National Rally Rassemblement national EP affiliation: PfE

New Popular Front Nouveau Front populaire EP affiliation: Left – GUE/NGL

Ensemble Ensemble/La République En Marche!/Renaissance EP affiliation: RE

The Republicans/Union of the Right and Centre Les Républicains/Union de la droite et du centre EP affiliation: EPP

Miscellaneous Left Divers gauche EP affiliation: New unaffiliated

Miscellaneous Right Diverse droite EP affiliation: New unaffiliated

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France — 2024 general election

2022 2024 Click on a party to form a majority Group Seats Change Votes New Popular Front (NFP) 188 +57 26.3 % Ensemble (ENS) 161 -76 24.7 % National Rally Alliance (RN) 142 +53 37.1 % Les Républicains (LR) 48 -13 6.2 % Other 38 -21 5.6 % Group Seats Votes Ensemble (ENS) 237 37.7 % New Ecological and Social People’s Union 131 30.8 % National Rally (RN) 89 17.3 % Les Républicains (LR) 61 7.0 % Other 59 7.2 %

First round results 2024 33.3% RN 28.6% NFP 20.9% ENS 10.6% Other 6.6% LR National Rally Alliance (RN) New Popular Front (NFP) Ensemble (ENS) Other Les Républicains (LR) Turnout: 66.71% National Rally Alliance (RN) (33.3%) National Rally (RN) 29.3% affiliated with National Rally (RN aff.) 3.95% New Popular Front (NFP) (28.6%) Communist Party (PCF) 2.34% France Unbowed (LFI) 11.7% Greens (EELV) 5.34% Socialist Party (PS) 9.25% Ensemble (ENS) (20.9%) Democratic Movement (MODEM) 3.96% Horizons (HOR) 3.58% Renaissance (REN) 13.4%

Second round results 2022 2024 41.1% 237 seats ENS 22.7% 131 seats NUPES 15.4% 89 seats RN 10.6% 61 seats LR 10.2% 59 seats Other Ensemble (ENS) New Ecological and Social People’s Union National Rally (RN) Les Républicains (LR) Other 577 / 577 seats assigned Voter participation: 71.99% Ensemble (ENS) (41.1%) Democratic Movement (MODEM) 6.9% Horizons (HOR) 3.85% Renaissance (REN) 26.9% New Ecological and Social People’s Union (22.7%) Communist Party (PCF) 2.6% France Unbowed (LFI) 17% Greens (EELV) 6.43% Socialist Party (PS) 4.8% 32.6% 188 seats NFP 27.9% 161 seats ENS 24.6% 142 seats RN 8.3% 48 seats LR 6.6% 38 seats Other New Popular Front (NFP) Ensemble (ENS) National Rally Alliance (RN) Les Républicains (LR) Other 577 / 577 seats assigned Voter participation: 66.63% New Popular Front (NFP) (32.6%) Communist Party (PCF) 1.4% (-3) France Unbowed (LFI) 9.9% (+6) Greens (EELV) 5.1% (+11) Socialist Party (PS) 10% (+40) Ensemble (ENS) (27.9%) Democratic Movement (MODEM) 5.3% (-11) Horizons (HOR) 4.5% (-3) Renaissance (REN) 14.9% (-62) National Rally Alliance (RN) (24.6%) National Rally (RN) 32.1% (+36) Républicains à droite (RN aff.) 5%

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France — President Emmanuel Macron’s approval rating

But while they are united on the urgent need for a ceasefire, any closer coordination remains difficult. Britain’s Keir Starmer and Germany’s Friedrich Merz have so far declined to follow suit on recognizing the state of Palestine — though both are searching for new ways to exert pressure on Israel.

One way for Merz’s government to increase pressure on Israel would be a reassessment of blocking EU proposals to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which provides for close ties on trade and other areas of cooperation.

The chancellor’s spokesperson told reporters Friday he is “prepared to increase the pressure if progress [on issues such as a ceasefire and humanitarian aid] is not made.”

The U.K. has already imposed sanctions on members of the Israeli government, but Starmer is facing growing demands — including from a cross-party group of over 200 MPs — to join France in backing recognition of Palestine.

Some believe Starmer’s caution is linked to his desire to maintain good relations with U.S. President Donald Trump, who is arriving in Scotland Friday on a visit to two of his golf courses. The U.S. has provided extensive military, financial and diplomatic support to Israel throughout the war.

While Berlin indicated it may be ready to follow through with concrete measures against Israel for the first time and Starmer seeks to catch Trump’s ear, the question remains whether Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will heed any of these diplomatic levers.

In Bulgaria and Romania alone, full inclusion of Roma could boost GDP by up to 4%, driven by higher employment, increased consumer spending and a broader tax base as Roma transition from informal to formal economies.

Illustration: Risto Avramovski, photo: Alamy Stock Photo

This economic potential is especially significant given the demographics of Roma communities. Nearly 40% of the Roma population in Romania are under 15 — compared with just 15% of the general population, underscoring the potential for a workforce that Europe desperately needs. In Hungary, the share of children under 15 among the Roma outnumbers non-Roma children by three or four to one. This rising generation could be a vital part of Europe’s workforce — if only they were given a fair chance.

In Bulgaria and Romania alone, full inclusion of Roma communities could boost GDP by up to 4%

Yet despite this potential, Roma youth face severe barriers to education and employment.

Systemic discrimination and lack of support push many into underfunded schools with minimal resources and unqualified teachers, severely limiting their opportunities. As a result, 56% of Roma youth are not in education, employment or training — a rate far higher than their peers across the EU and even globally. Within the EU, 80% of Roma are at risk of poverty. Even in Bulgaria, the EU’s poorest member state, Roma are three times more likely to live in poverty than the general population.

Illustration: Risto Avramovski, photo: Alamy Stock Photo

Systemic discrimination and lack of support push many into underfunded schools with minimal resources and unqualified teachers, severely limiting their opportunities.

A test for EU leadership

The immense demographic potential, along with barriers faced by the Roma, will be a true test of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s pledge to revitalizing Europe’s workforce.

There was no doubt at Valdai that China knows how to do economic growth, and that Russia does not. Russia’s elite — always so ready to resist any sign of Western hegemony — have no problem admitting China’s economic superiority. Their acceptance reminded me of the way Britain gave way to the United States as the world’s dominant economic power.

Seen from Moscow, there is no resistance left to a new alliance led by China. And now that Washington has imposed tariffs on Chinese exports, Russia hopes China will finally understand that its problem is Washington, not Moscow.

In the past, the possibility of an alliance between the two countries had been hampered by China’s reluctance to jeopardize its relations with the U.S. But now that it has already become a target, perhaps it will grow bolder. Every speaker at Valdai tried to push China in that direction.

When Putin finished a fireside chat with policymakers — a set-piece of the conference, where he fields softball questions from the audience — he made a gesture to leave the room, but then quickly rushed back to grab Yang Jiechi, a former Chinese foreign minister and arguably the main architect of the country’s foreign policy. He insisted on walking out with Yang by his side, to the obvious delight of his Chinese guest.

But what happens now? Can Russia and China really be friends, and for how long?

The thing to remember is that both countries are obsessed with overturning the American-led global order. They may have a long history of geopolitical rivalry — one that is sure to return once their goal is achieved and new poles emerge, pitting them against each other.