My family and I have no idea if, or when, we will return – or what we may return to.

Gilan, Iran – The prospect of war seemed to creep nearer to reality with each passing day, but perhaps few of the millions who have been forced to abandon their homes across Iran in the past week – including myself – could have known this new reality would impose itself so harshly or abruptly.

The first explosions jolted people awake in Tehran shortly after 3am on June 13, when a large number of Israeli fighter jets and drones attacked dozens of areas across the country, and explosives-laden quadcopters and anti-fortification Spike guided missiles were launched by Israeli agents from inside Iran.

Entire residential buildings were levelled in the capital, military sites and air defence batteries were targeted, and above-ground facilities supporting nuclear enrichment halls buried deep inside mountains in Isfahan province’s Natanz were bombed. Dozens of civilians were killed, as were a large number of top military commanders and nuclear scientists.

Tehran was in shock the first morning after the attacks, as people struggled to process the terrifying news and evaluate their options while the authorities scrambled to mount a concerted response to the surprise hits.

As the attacks came on a Friday morning – the last day of the weekend in Iran – most city streets were eerily quiet in the immediate aftermath, except for those where Israeli bombs had made an impact.

Soon, however, hours-long queues had formed at almost every single fuel station across the sprawling capital, which has a population of nearly 10 million people and holds more than 15 million during busy workdays, as millions also commute from neighbouring cities like Karaj.

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I went out to visit a few of the targeted sites in western Tehran: Multiple homes had been destroyed in the Patrice Lumumba neighbourhood, several floors of a 15-storey building providing accommodation for university professors had caved in at Saadat Abad and adjacent buildings were damaged, while the top two floors of another residential building had been completely wiped out in Marzdaran. All were successful targeted assassinations – including of several top nuclear scientists – and many civilians were also killed.

Later that night, Iran’s armed forces began launching hundreds of missiles and drones at Israel in retaliation. Nearly one week on, at least 16 rounds of Iranian strikes have been launched, with no immediate end in sight as Tehran says it will continue to hit back so long as Israel is attacking. Meanwhile, United States President Donald Trump teases triggering an all-out regional war by directly entering the war alongside Israel, which he and Washington’s Western allies already support with cutting-edge munitions, a massive fleet of refuelling planes and intelligence efforts.

For the next few days, the Israeli attacks were ringing out across Tehran and the country during the daytime, terrorising civilians who saw the smoke and heard the explosions get closer to their homes or places of work. Both at home and at Al Jazeera’s Tehran bureau, I heard many explosive impacts, with some of the closer ones only about 2km (1.2 miles) away.

Most of Tehran was shut down after the Israeli attacks ramped up, and the streets and petrol stations were more crowded than ever after Israel and Trump told people to evacuate immediately. The government said metro stations and mosques were opened as 24-hour shelters since it has built no dedicated shelters or come up with any clear security protocols, despite the ever-present threat of war.

On Monday, after three days of evaluating the situation, my family and I decided to join the countless others who had already fled Tehran.

After hurriedly packing some clothes and a few belongings in a suitcase, I drove from my own place to my girlfriend’s house to pick her up at about 4pm. Her parents, who work in healthcare, needed to stay in Tehran that day but they have since left as well, after Israeli air strikes intensified in their neighbourhood.

We then picked up my mother – along with our four cats who have been staying with her – from her home in western Tehran, close to a major road which exits the capital.

Israeli bombs were falling on multiple areas across western Tehran as we scurried to grab the cats and put them in their boxes.

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The unmistakable sounds of the explosions, which leave a sickening, sinking sensation in your stomach no matter how many times you hear them, only added to the urgency – especially since the Israeli military had issued a new evacuation threat at about the same time and then bombed the state television headquarters.

Fleeing north

We left Tehran with heavy hearts, not knowing when we might return. The buildings were already mostly empty of residents.

The feeling that we may not return to the same intact neighbourhoods was unavoidable, as was the terror we feel for those who wanted to leave but could not, whether because they are nursing a sick family member or because they simply lacked the means to do so. Iran’s ailing economy has been dragged under the weight of years of local mismanagement and US sanctions.

The journey north, which usually takes about four hours, took close to 12. The highways were a sea of vehicles filled with families, pets and belongings. Roadside diners and service areas brimmed with people who had no idea when or how they might return. Many worriedly followed news of the latest air strikes.

Close to our destination in the north of Iran, checkpoints set up by armed and masked security forces made the traffic even worse. They were stopping some vehicles, mostly pick-up trucks, since those are what have been used by Israeli agents to smuggle explosive quadcopters and other weapons inside Iran.

I am writing this from a small but vibrant city in the province of Gilan in northern Iran. The northern provinces, also including Mazandaran and Golestan, are where most Iranians have opted to go. They are relatively close to Tehran, have far fewer places that could be potential targets for the Israeli army, and were already popular travel destinations with a large number of hotels that many have visited before.

Many here have opened their homes to people displaced from other provinces, too. Six million people have entered Mazandaran alone since last week, according to Iran’s deputy police chief, Qasem Rezaei.

The authorities are trying to reassure the population, especially Iranians who have fled to the northern provinces, that the government faces no problems in providing for their basic needs, especially food and fuel.

But in the meantime, 90 million Iranians have been thrown into a state of uncertainty, frustration and anger while trying to maintain hope for a semblance of normal life when the country is not constantly under threat of military action or isolated from the international community.

For ordinary civilians, the situation is seriously compounded by the fact that they have been completely cut off from the internet for days, with internet observatory NetBlocks confirming on Friday that 97 percent of the country’s connectivity was down. Barring a handful of small daily updates gleaned from state media or local sources, Iranians have little idea about the extent of the Israeli military strikes across the country.

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The Iranian authorities began imposing internet restrictions from the first day of the Israeli strikes, but increased them as Israel expanded its offensive and a pro-Israeli hacking group also launched cyberattacks.

Several of the country’s top banks have been taken offline as a result of the cyberattacks, as well as Iran’s top cryptocurrency exchange, Nobitex, which said its “hot wallet” had been compromised but promised it would return any lost money.

Iranian officials, who also took the country offline during the deadly nationwide protests in November 2019, claimed disconnecting the internet was necessary to fend off Israeli quadcopters and other projectiles, but gave no timeline as to when they would restore full connectivity.

Iran already has one of the most closed-off and slowed-down internet connections in the world, as almost all major global messaging apps and other services, along with tens of thousands of websites, are blocked and only accessible through workarounds such as virtual private networks (VPNs).

If you are reading this now, it means I managed to find a barely functioning connection to send this out.

Islamabad, Pakistan – In January 2024, Pakistan and Iran fired missiles into each other’s territory in a brief military escalation between the neighbours.

Yet 17 months later, after Israel attacked Iran with strikes on the latter’s nuclear facilities, and assassinated multiple Iranian generals and nuclear scientists, Pakistan was quick to condemn the Israeli action.

Islamabad described the Israeli strikes as violations of Iran’s territorial sovereignty and labelled them “blatant provocations”.

“The international community and the United Nations bear responsibility to uphold international law, stop this aggression immediately and hold the aggressor accountable for its actions,” Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement on June 13.

As Israeli attacks on Iran, and Tehran’s retaliatory strikes, enter their sixth day, the deepening conflict is sparking fears in Islamabad, say analysts, rooted in its complex ties with Tehran and the even greater unease at the prospect of the Israeli military’s aerial influence extending close to the Pakistani border.

Immediate impact

The human toll from the spiralling Israel-Iran conflict is growing. Israel’s attacks on Iran have already led to more than 220 deaths, with more than a thousand people injured. In retaliation, Iran has launched hundreds of missiles into Israeli territory, resulting in more than 20 deaths and extensive property damage.

While Pakistan, which shares a 905km (562-mile) border with Iran via its southwestern province of Balochistan, has voiced staunch support for Tehran, it has also closed five border crossings in Balochistan from June 15.

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More than 500 Pakistani nationals, mainly pilgrims and students, have returned from Iran in recent days.

“On Monday, we had 45 students who were pursuing degrees in various Iranian institutions return to Pakistan. Almost 500 pilgrims also came back via the Taftan border crossing,” the assistant commissioner for Taftan, Naeem Ahmed, told Al Jazeera.

Taftan is a border town neighbouring Iran, situated in the Chaghi district in Balochistan, which is famous for its hills where Pakistan conducted its nuclear tests in 1998, as well as the Reko Diq and Saindak mines known for their gold and copper deposits.

At the heart of the decision to try to effectively seal the border is Pakistan’s worry about security in Balochistan, which, in turn, is influenced by its ties with Iran, say experts.

A complex history

Pakistan and Iran have both accused each other of harbouring armed groups responsible for cross-border attacks on their territories.

The most recent flare-up occurred in January 2024, when Iran launched missile strikes into Pakistan’s Balochistan province, claiming to target the separatist group Jaish al-Adl.

Pakistan retaliated within 24 hours, striking what it said were hideouts of Baloch separatists inside Iranian territory.

The neighbours patched up after that brief escalation, and during Pakistan’s brief military conflict with India in May, Iran studiously avoided taking sides.

On Monday, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ishaq Dar addressed Parliament, emphasising how Pakistan had been speaking with Iran and suggesting that Islamabad was willing to play a diplomatic role to help broker an end to the military hostilities between Iran and Israel.

“Iran’s foreign minister [Abbas Araghchi] told me that if Israel does not carry out another attack, they are prepared to return to the negotiating table,” Dar said. “We have conveyed this message to other countries, that there is still time to stop Israel and bring Iran back to talks.”.

Minister of State for Interior Talal Chaudhry told Al Jazeera that other nations needed to do more to push for a ceasefire.

“We believe we are playing our role, but the world must also do its duty. Syria, Libya, Iraq – wars devastated them. It even led to the rise of ISIS [ISIL]. We hope this is not repeated,” he added.

Fahd Humayun, assistant professor of political science at Tufts University and a visiting research scholar at Stanford, said that any Pakistani bid to diplomatically push for peace would be helped by the fact that the administration of President Donald Trump in the United States is also, officially at least, arguing for negotiations rather than war.

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But Umer Karim, a Middle East researcher at the University of Birmingham, suggested that for all the public rhetoric, Pakistan would be cautious about enmeshing itself too deeply in the conflict at a time when it is trying to rebuild bridges with the US, Israel’s closest ally.

“I doubt Pakistan has the capacity or the will to mediate in this conflict, but it definitely wants it to wind down as soon as possible,” he said.

Balochistan and security concerns

Pakistan’s greatest concern, according to observers, is the potential fallout in Balochistan, a resource-rich but restive province. Rich in oil, gas, coal, gold and copper, Balochistan is Pakistan’s largest province by area but smallest by population, home to about 15 million people.

Since 1947, Balochistan has experienced at least five rebellion movements, the latest beginning in the early 2000s. Rebel groups have demanded a greater share of local resources or outright independence, prompting decades of military crackdowns.

The province also hosts the strategic Gwadar port, central to the $62bn China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), linking western China to the Arabian Sea.

Baloch nationalists accuse the state of exploiting resources while neglecting local development, heightening secessionist and separatist sentiments. Baloch secessionist groups on both sides of the border, particularly the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLA), have been waging a rebellion in Pakistan to seek independence.

“There is a major concern within Pakistan that in case the war escalates, members of armed groups such as BLA and BLF, many of whom live in Iran’s border areas, might try and seek protection inside Pakistan by crossing the very porous boundaries shared by the two countries,” Abdul Basit, a research fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, told Al Jazeera.

“Thus, Pakistan had to shut down the crossing in an attempt to control the influx. It remains to be seen whether they can successfully do that, but at least this is their objective.”

Worries about an Afghanistan redux

Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, waves of Afghan refugees have sought shelter in Pakistan. The latest mass entry occurred after the Taliban took over Kabul in August 2021. At their peak, there were close to 4 million Afghans living in the country.

In 2023, however, Pakistan launched a campaign to send the refugees back to Afghanistan. According to government estimates, close to a million of them have been expelled so far. Pakistan has cited rising incidents of armed violence in the country, which it blames on groups that it says find shelter in Afghanistan, as a key justification for its decision. The Taliban reject the suggestion that they allow anti-Pakistan armed groups sanctuary on Afghan territory.

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Basit said Pakistan would likely want to avoid any repeat of what happened with Afghan refugees.

“With such a long border [with Iran], and a history of deep connection between people of both sides, it is not out of realm of possibility that it was this factor which factored in Pakistan’s decision to close the border,” he added.

Fears of Israeli aerial superiority

Baloch armed groups and the prospect of a refugee influx are not the only concerns likely worrying Pakistan, say experts.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has claimed that his air force has control over Tehran’s skies. And while both Israel and Iran continue to strike each other’s territory, Pakistan, which does not recognise Israel and views it as a sworn enemy, will not want Israeli influence over the Iranian airspace to grow and creep towards the Iran-Pakistan border.

“Pakistan is also averse to Israel achieving complete air superiority and control of Iranian airspace, as it would upend the current security status quo on Pakistan’s western flank,” Karim, the University of Birmingham scholar, told Al Jazeera.

Break from the past

Security analyst Ihsanullah Tipu Mehsud, based in Islamabad, noted that Pakistan has historically sided with the US in regional wars, including in Afghanistan, but may hesitate this time.

A majority Sunni nation, Pakistan still boasts a significant Shia population – more than 15 percent of its population of 250 million.

“Pakistan has already dealt with sectarian issues, and openly supporting military action against [Shia-majority] Iran could spark serious blowback,” he said.

‘Don’t let beautiful Tehran become Gaza’: Iranians tell of shock and confusion

5 days ago Share Save Caroline Hawley • @carolinehawley Diplomatic correspondent Share Save

Getty Images Israel continued to strike Iran’s capital Tehran on Sunday night

Long queues at petrol stations and bakeries. Long lines of cars trying to escape the capital. And long, frightening nights. Residents of Tehran – still shocked by Israel’s sudden attack on Iran in the early hours of Friday morning – speak of fear and confusion, a feeling of helplessness and conflicting emotions. “We haven’t slept for nights,” a 21-year-old music student told me over an encrypted social media app. “Everyone is leaving but I’m not. My dad says it’s more honourable to die in your own house than to run away.” ‘Donya’ – she doesn’t want to reveal her real name – is one of many Iranians now caught in a war between a regime she loathes and Israel, whose destructive power in Gaza she has witnessed on screen from afar. “I really don’t want my beautiful Tehran to turn into Gaza,” she said.

As for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s call on Iranians to rise up against their clerical leadership, she has a firm response. “We don’t want Israel to save us. No foreign country ever cared for Iran,” she said. “We also don’t want the Islamic Republic.” Another woman said that at first she had felt a “strange excitement” to see Israel kill Iranian military officials so powerful that she thought they would live for ever. “Suddenly that image of power was shattered,” she told BBC Persian. “But from the second day, when I heard that regular people – people I didn’t know, people like me – had also been killed, I started to feel sorrow, fear and sadness.” And she said her sadness turned to anger when she heard that the South Pars gas field had been hit, fearing that Israel was trying to turn Iran “into ruins”. For the first time in her life, she said, she has started to prepare for the idea of dying. More than 220 people – many of them women and children – have been killed since Friday, according to the Iranian authorities. Israeli authorities say Iranian missiles have killed at least 24 people in Israel over the same period.

Getty Images Long queues of traffic stretched along Tehran’s roads as people tried to leave the city

Unlike in Israel, there are no warnings of imminent attacks in Iran, and no shelters to run to. Missiles fall from the sky but a campaign of car bombs in Tehran – as reported by both Israeli and Iranian media – has sewn further panic and confusion. Even some supporters of the regime are reported to be upset that its much-vaunted defences have been so thoroughly exposed. And, among many Iranians, distrust in the authorities runs deep. Donya used to defy the regime and its strict dress code by going out with her hair uncovered. Now, with her university exams postponed until next week, she’s staying at home. “I get so terrified at night,” she said. “I take some pills to help me relax and try to sleep.” The Iranian government has suggested that people shelter in mosques and metro stations. But that is hard, when the explosions seem to come out of nowhere. “Tehran is a big city and yet every neighbourhood has been somehow affected by the damage,” another young woman told BBC Persian. “For now, all we do is check the news every hour and call the friends and relatives whose neighbourhood has been hit to make sure they are still alive.” She and her family have now left their home to stay in an area where there are no known government buildings. But you never know, in a country like Iran, who may be living next to you.

The Israeli assault has divided Iranians, she said, with some celebrating the regime’s losses, while others are angry at those cheering Israel on. Many Iranians keep changing their minds about what they think. Divisions are bitter, even among some families. “The situation feels like the first hours after the Titanic hit the iceberg,” the woman said. “Some people were trying to escape, some were saying it wasn’t a big deal, and others kept dancing.” She has always protested against Iran’s clerical rulers, she told the BBC, but sees what Netanyahu is doing to her country as “inexcusable”. “Everyone’s life, whether they supported the attacks or not, has been changed forever. “Most Iranians, even those who oppose the government, have now realised that freedom and human rights don’t come from Israeli bombs falling on cities where defenceless civilians live.” She added: “Most of us are scared and worried about what’s coming next. We’ve packed bags with first aid supplies, food, and water, just in case things get worse.” Israel says the Iranian armed forces have deliberately placed their command centres and weapons inside civilian buildings and areas. Members of Iran’s large diaspora are also worried. “It’s hard to convey what it’s like to be an Iranian right now,” says Dorreh Khatibi-Hill, a Leeds-based women’s rights activist and researcher who is in touch with family, friends and other anti-regime activists. “You’re happy that members of the regime – who have been torturing and murdering people – are being taken out. “But we know that civilians are dying. This is a devastating humanitarian disaster.” And Iranians are not being given accurate information on what is happening, she says. “The main person in Iran – the supreme leader – is still alive while Iranians are fleeing for their lives,” she adds. “No one wants Iran to turn into another Iraq, Syria or Afghanistan. None of us wants this war. We don’t want the regime either.”