JAS 39 Gripen fighter

Sweden will station Jas 39 Gripen fighter aircraft in Poland for the first time to participate in NATO’s enhanced air policing mission, focusing on defending the alliance’s northern airspace.

A fighter division from the Norrbotten Air Flotilla will be on standby in Poland from April to June, operating under NATO leadership. Up to eight Jas 39 Gripen fighters will patrol allied airspace and support NATO’s collective defense.

Jörgen Axelsson, the Air Force’s Chief of Operations, stated that Sweden has extensive experience maintaining territorial integrity but will now extend these operations to Poland as part of NATO’s enhanced airspace surveillance.

The Swedish force will also help protect a logistics hub in southeastern Poland that supports military and civilian aid to Ukraine. Approximately 110 personnel from the Norrbotten Air Flotilla and other Swedish Armed Forces units will support the mission.

The Jas 39 Gripen fighters will operate under NATO’s Combined Air Operations Centre in Uedem, Germany, contributing to the alliance’s deterrence and defense against potential threats.

NATO’s enhanced air policing began after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, strengthening airspace security along the alliance’s borders. This mission aims to identify and respond to unauthorized aircraft near NATO territory.

By engaging in direct negotiations with Moscow, openly criticizing Ukraine, and protecting Russia at the United Nations, the US is sidelining its European allies. How to respond? By immediately deploying forces to Ukraine to ensure its security and shift the balance of peace negotiations, even without a US military backup.

Past Western hesitation and division has emboldened Russia, with strategic dithering focused on avoiding escalation rather than securing Ukraine’s future. Europe must now match its rhetoric with action by mobilizing forces, enhancing military readiness, and ensuring sustained investment in weapons and munitions.

US Vice President JD Vance’s criticism of Europe at the Munich Security Conference and subsequent administration comments, have heightened concerns about Washington’s future commitment to collective security and further emphasized the need for Europe to go it alone.

If European leaders fail to act, the Trump administration’s negotiations with Moscow could compromise Ukrainian sovereignty and the long-term security of Europe.

Early last year, French President Macron’s proposal to send European forces to Ukraine was met with resistance from key European nations, particularly Germany. However, the Trump administration’s diplomatic approach has shifted European perceptions and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s declaration of readiness to send troops as a so-called reassurance force has highlighted the urgency of the situation.

Some European leaders, including Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, are deeply hesitant about the idea, but nations unwilling to send combat forces are prepared to offer logistical and political support.

Most of Europe has helped train Ukrainian forces through the European Union Military Assistance Mission (EUMAM) and UK-led initiatives, strengthening their ability to resist Russian aggression. More than 73,000 Ukrainian troops have received training from EUMAM, and 51,000 with the British, but training alone is insufficient.

And talk of deploying a 30,000-strong, European-led multinational peacekeeping force to Ukraine to maintain the stability of any ceasefire agreement isn’t enough. Europe must act in Ukraine, with or without American support.

As European leaders discuss military commitments, the Trump administration’s February negotiations in Saudi Arabia underscore the need for the continent to urgently assert its role in ensuring Ukraine’s sovereignty and security.

Moscow has repeatedly violated past agreements, such as Minsk I and II, and the West has failed to protect the security of Ukraine. Both sides reneged on the terms of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, which gave security guarantees from Russia and the West in exchange for Kyiv giving up its strategic bombers and nuclear weapons.

A robust European military presence is essential to enforce any new ceasefire, and it must be equipped with air, land, and maritime capabilities, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) platforms, along with strong electronic warfare defenses. Several of these capabilities would normally be provided by the US, however given current circumstances, Europe must be prepared to generate these resources as they can no longer be totally reliant on US support against Russia.

While the US has ruled out deploying troops, Washington might provide some but not all the backup that Europe seeks. France and the UK in particular, would be best placed to assemble a “reassurance force” in the form of an Enhanced Stabilization Force in Ukraine (ESF-U).

Clear rules of engagement would be important to a successful deployment to bypass differences between nations. While a NATO officer was joking when he said German forces in the Baltics would “have to drive back to Berlin to ask permission” before resisting a Russian invasion, it reflected variations in approach that could be avoided by pre-agreed rules.

Lessons from past failures, such as the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, also highlight the dangers of under-equipped and under-resourced peacekeeping forces.

A potential ESF-U should include five armored and mechanized combat brigades, backed by squadrons of attack helicopters, transport aircraft, and fighter jets. This force would serve as a deterrent and support Ukrainian troops along a demilitarized contact line, minimizing direct Russian provocations while signaling European willingness to take on the burdens of defending Europe, with or without America.

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The British-led Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) is the most viable framework. Consisting of 10 European nations, it could respond swiftly to crises without requiring a NATO-badged direct engagement.

The EU should also mobilize forces to provide logistics, intelligence, and combat support. Extending EUMAM into Ukraine would mark a crucial step to ensuring Europe’s strategic autonomy and speed up training timelines. Given American reluctance to send ground forces, Washington could still contribute with ISR capabilities.

The ESF-U would not be expected to protect the entire 1,200km (750 mile) contact line, and Ukraine would need to ensure enough personnel were available to deter Russian probing activities, with the option of calling in ESF-U support. Within this framework, most of the contact line might become a demilitarized zone, like the one between North and South Korea, with outposts, sensors, mines, and observers across the entire front to limit the escalation of hostilities.

A European-led no-fly or air-policing zone over key Ukrainian territories would further deter Russian aerial attacks. Enforced by European airpower — including F-35s, Typhoons, and Gripens — this would protect Ukraine’s critical infrastructure. An integrated air defense system, incorporating US-made Patriot and Franco-German SAMP/T systems, long-range radar, and counter-drone technology, would ensure comprehensive protection against Russian missile and drone strikes.

Failure to act would embolden Russia and destabilize Europe’s security landscape. The Helsinki Commission has recorded nearly 150 Russian hybrid attacks on European infrastructure since 2022, illustrating the persistent threat.

Deploying Western forces to Ukraine is not merely a symbolic gesture — it is a strategic necessity. If the US no longer upholds the international order, Britain and its European allies must lead the effort to save Ukraine and whatever will be left of the post-war rules-based system.

The alternative is a return to 19th century great power politics, where European security is dictated by the balancing of powerful states, nationalism, heavily armed powers, and a scramble to secure resources.

To bolster the effectiveness of the ESF-U, European nations should integrate additional measures, such as reinforced military aid packages, defensive alliances, and hybrid warfare deterrents.

Establishing cyber defense networks and increasing intelligence-sharing will also be vital to countering Russian disinformation campaigns, while long-term commitments to military-industrial cooperation will ensure sustainable force readiness.

European leaders must also push for Ukraine’s NATO integration or, at a minimum, EU membership, to provide security guarantees under Article 42.7 of the Treaty on European Union. While this article is considered weak, Brussels could toughen the language to give Ukraine an almost-sufficient security guarantee.

Decisive action in Ukraine will not only safeguard Europe’s sovereignty but also reaffirm the West’s commitment to deterring aggression. The deployment of Western forces would set a precedent for future European-led security operations.

As Ukraine fights for its survival, European leaders must ensure they are not merely spectators but active participants in shaping the security of their region. Without immediate and sustained military commitments, the very foundations of Europe are at risk. The time for debate has passed — Europe must act.

Ben Hodges is Senior Advisor to Human Rights First, a non-profit, nonpartisan international human rights organization based in New York, Washington DC, and Los Angeles. Prior to joining Human Rights First, he held the Pershing Chair in Strategic Studies at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA).

G. Alexander (Alex) Crowther, PhD, is a Non-resident Senior Fellow with the Transatlantic Defense and Security Program at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA). He has published in a variety of formats and locations since 2005, mainly on cyber and European security issues.

Lieutenant Colonel Jahara ‘Franky’ Matisek, PhD, (@JaharaMatisek) is a military professor in the national security affairs department at the US Naval War College, fellow at the European Resilience Initiative Center, and fellow at the Payne Institute for Public Policy. He has published two books and over one-hundred articles on strategy and warfare.

Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.

Fortunately for the 18-person crew, the jets below belonged to allies, not adversaries, and were also patrolling the skies for threats to the NATO summit being held in The Hague on Tuesday and Wednesday.

“This almost never happens,” said Lt. Col. Cédric who, like others quoted in this piece, was not authorized by the French Armed Forces to give his surname.

Cédric spoke to POLITICO on an 11-hour flight during which the French military showed how NATO secures the skies, whether for a major gathering of 32 world leaders or, increasingly, on the alliance’s eastern flank, closer to Ukraine, where Russian forces will often engage in hostile behavior.

“We are regularly working on NATO deployments, on joint exercises, and the aim is to be fully inter-operational,” Cédric said. Friction among armies from different nations must be reduced to an absolute minimum, he added.

The Russian aerial threat

The French AWACS circling the skies above the Netherlands is one of three reconnaissance planes that was deployed to help enforce a 10 kilometer no-fly zone and 60 kilometer heightened-control zone around the summit venue. Dutch fighter jets, refueling tanker aircraft, helicopters and ships at sea are also involved in the mission.

Though the threat level is low in the Netherlands, the crew remains vigilant.

RAF jets intercept Russian aircraft near Nato airspace

20 April 2025 Share Save Jamie Whitehead BBC News Share Save

Ministry of Defence An RAF Typhoon flies close to the Russian aircraft near Nato airspace

Two Russian aircraft flying close to Nato airspace were detected by British fighter jets in separate incidents earlier this week, the UK’s Ministry of Defence has said. A pair of RAF Typhoons were scrambled to intercept a Russian Ilyushin Il-20M “Coot-A” intelligence aircraft over the Baltic Sea on 15 April, while another two Typhoons intercepted an unknown aircraft leaving the Kaliningrad airspace on 17 April. The two intercepts, which took off from Malbork Air Base in Poland, were part of the UK’s contribution to Nato’s enhanced air policing. They were the RAF’s first intercepts since aircraft arrived in the region to begin the defence of Nato’s eastern flank, working alongside Sweden.

The UK’s involvement in Nato’s enhanced air policing is called Operation Chessman and sees personnel from across the RAF deployed to Malbork alongside Sweden, Nato’s newest member. The undertaking follows Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer’s commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP. Minister for the Armed Forces Luke Pollard said that the UK was “unshakable” in its commitment to Nato. “With Russian aggression growing and security threats on the rise, we are stepping up to reassure our Allies, deter adversaries and protect our national security through our Plan for Change,” he said. Mr Pollard added that the “mission shows our ability to operate side by side with NATO’s newest member Sweden and to defend the Alliance’s airspace wherever and whenever needed, keeping us safe at home and strong abroad”.

Scrambling RAF jets not uncommon

UK jets will protect the skies of NATO’s eastern flank once again, working for the first time with Sweden to protect Polish airspace.

British built Typhoon jets arrived in Eastern Poland today, to take part in a NATO enhanced air policing mission.

RAF pilots will join up with Swedish Airforce Gripen fighter jets, as Europe steps up together to defend NATO airspace. The deployment is the first time that Swedish fighter jets will take part in air policing on the territory of another NATO Ally since they joined the alliance in 2024.

Touching down in Poland on Tuesday (1 April), Defence Minister Lord Coaker met with Polish Deputy Prime Minister Władysław Marcin Kosiniak-Kamysz and Swedish Defence Minister Pal Jonson, to outline the UK’s commitment to European security and to mark the start of the operation.

Defence Minister Lord Coaker said:

The UK is unshakeable in its commitment to NATO. With threats increasing and growing Russian aggression, it is vital that we stand shoulder to shoulder with our allies. This latest air policing mission in Poland displays the UK’s ability to operate effectively with NATO’s newest member in Sweden and deter our common adversaries across the alliance’s airspace, keeping us secure at home and strong abroad.

The mission comes as European NATO allies are stepping up on European security and defence spending. NATO remains the cornerstone of UK Defence and this government will continue to pursue a “NATO first” defence policy and take on a leadership role in the alliance.

Keeping the country safe is the Government’s first priority, and an integral part of its Plan for Change. The work of defence is critical to the security and stability of the UK, keeping us secure at home and strong abroad, whilst supporting all of the Government’s five missions as a foundation of its plan.

Poland is also a key UK defence and security partner, NATO Ally and partner in the European Group of Five (E5). Our nations have both been large supporters of Ukraine and have the led the way in increasing defence spending in Europe.

In last week’s Spring Statement, the Chancellor announced an additional £2.2 billion for defence in 2025/26. This comes on top of the announcement of the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War, as the government will hit 2.5% of GDP spend by April 2027, and has a commitment to hit 3% in the next Parliament.

This mission follows on from 2024’s successful air policing missions across the continent. In April 2024, six Typhoon fighter jets with over two hundred personnel were stationed in Romania defending NATO’s eastern border. Followed on by an August 2024 deployment of four cutting edge F-35B jets to Iceland, defending NATO airspace in the high north.

This time, six British built typhoons from II (AC) Squadron will be patrolling Polish airspace, having travelled from RAF Lossiemouth.

​RAF Typhoons and Voyagers also conduct NATO air policing in the UK through the Quick Reaction Alert Force, based at RAF Coningsby, Lossiemouth and Brize Norton, protecting UK airspace 24/7, 365 days a year.