WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump on Friday urged Iran to quickly reach an agreement on curbing its nuclear program as Israel vowed to continue its bombardment of the country.

Trump framed the volatile moment in the Middle East as a possible “second chance” for Iran’s leadership to avoid further destruction “before there is nothing left and save what was once known as the Iranian Empire.”

READ MORE: Israel attacks Iran, killing at least 2 military officers

The Republican president pressed on Iran as he met his national security team in the Situation Room to discuss the tricky path forward following Israel’s devastating strikes, which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pledged to keep up for “as many days as it takes” to decapitate Iran’s nuclear program.

The White House said it had no involvement in the strikes, but Trump highlighted that Israel used its deep arsenal of weaponry provided by the U.S. to target Iran’s main enrichment facility in Natanz and the country’s ballistic missile program, as well as top nuclear scientists and officials.

Trump said on his Truth Social platform that he had warned Iran’s leaders that “it would be much worse than anything they know, anticipated, or were told, that the United States makes the best and most lethal military equipment anywhere in the World, BY FAR, and that Israel has a lot of it, with much more to come – And they know how to use it.”

Just hours before Israel launched its strikes on Iran early Friday, Trump was still holding onto tattered threads of hope that the long-simmering dispute could be resolved without military action. Now, he’ll be tested anew on his ability to make good on a campaign promise to disentangle the U.S. from foreign conflicts.

In the aftermath of the Israeli strikes, the U.S. is shifting its military resources, including ships, in the Middle East as it looks to guard against possible retaliatory attacks by Tehran, according to two U.S. officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters.

The Navy has directed the destroyer USS Thomas Hudner to begin sailing toward the Eastern Mediterranean and has directed a second destroyer to begin moving forward, so it can be available if requested by the White House.

As Israel stepped up planning for strikes in recent weeks, Iran had signaled the United States would be held responsible in the event of an Israeli attack. The warning was issued by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi even as he engaged in talks with Trump special envoy Steve Witkoff over Tehran’s rapidly advancing nuclear program.

Friday’s strikes came as Trump planned to dispatch Witkoff to Oman on Sunday for the next round of talks with the Iranian foreign minister.

Witkoff still plans to go to Oman this weekend for talks on Tehran’s nuclear program, but it’s unclear if the Iranians will participate, according to U.S. officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe private diplomatic discussions.

The president made a series of phone calls Friday to U.S. television news anchors to renew his calls on Iran to curb its nuclear program.

CNN’s Dana Bash said Trump told her the Iranians “should now come to the table” and get a deal done. And Trump told NBC News that Iranian officials are “calling me to speak” but didn’t provide further detail.

Trump also spoke Friday with French President Emmanuel Macron about the evolving situation, and he was expected to call Netanyahu later in the day.

Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., offered rare words of Democratic praise for the Trump administration after the attack “for prioritizing diplomacy” and “refraining from participating” in the military strikes. But he also expressed deep concern about what the Israeli strikes could mean for U.S. personnel in the region.

Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, who’s on Democrats’ shortlist for top 2028 White House contenders, said if Israel can set back Iran’s nuclear program with the strikes “it’s probably a good day for the world.”

“But make no mistake: We do not want an all-out war in the Middle East,” Shapiro said. “That’s not only bad for the Middle East, it’s destabilizing for the globe, and it’s something that I hope will not occur.”

Iran has already fired more than 100 drones at Israel, with both Iraq and Jordan confirming they had flown over their airspace. Israel said the drones were being intercepted outside its airspace, and it was unclear whether any got through.

Trump in the hours before the attack still appeared hopeful in public comments that there would be more time for diplomacy.

But it was clear to the administration that Israel was edging toward taking military action against Iran. The State Department and U.S. military on Wednesday directed a voluntary evacuation of nonessential personnel and their loved ones from some U.S. diplomatic outposts in the Middle East.

Before Israel launched the strikes, some of Trump’s strongest supporters were raising concerns about what another expansive conflict in the Mideast could mean for the Republican president, who ran on a promise to quickly end the brutal wars in Gaza and Ukraine.

Trump has struggled to find an endgame to either of those conflicts and to make good on two of his biggest foreign policy campaign promises.

And after criticizing President Joe Biden during last year’s campaign for preventing Israel from carrying out strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, Trump found himself making the case to the Israelis to give diplomacy a chance.

The push by the Trump administration to persuade Tehran to give up its nuclear program came after the U.S. and other world powers in 2015 reached a long-term, comprehensive nuclear agreement that limited Tehran’s enrichment of uranium in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions.

But Trump unilaterally withdrew the U.S. from the Obama-administration brokered agreement in 2018, calling it the “worst deal ever.”

The way forward is even more clouded now.

“No issue currently divides the right as much as foreign policy,” Charlie Kirk, the founder of Turning Point USA and an ally of the Trump White House, posted on X on Thursday. “I’m very concerned based on (everything) I’ve seen in the grassroots the last few months that this will cause a massive schism in MAGA and potentially disrupt our momentum and our insanely successful Presidency.”

AP writers Tara Copp, Seung Min Kim, Matthew Lee, Lisa Mascaro, Noah Trister in Oakmont, Pennsylvania, and Jon Gambrell in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed reporting.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered strikes on Iran’s capital on June 13, raising the potential for an all-out war between the two bitter Middle East adversaries. It appeared to be the most significant attack Iran has faced since its 1980s war with Iraq.

Just hours before the attack, Donald Trump was still holding onto tattered threads of hope that a long-simmering dispute over Tehran’s nuclear program could be resolved without military action.

Trump said he urged Netanyahu to hold off on any action while his regime negotiated with Iran over nuclear enrichment.

“As long as I think there is a (chance for an) agreement, I don’t want them going in because I think it would blow it,” Trump told reporters.

But with the Israeli military operation called “Rising Lion” underway, something Netanyahu said will go on for “as many days as it takes,” Trump will be tested anew on his ability to make good on a campaign promise to disentangle the U.S. from foreign conflicts.

Before Israel launched the strikes, some of Trump’s strongest supporters were raising concerns about what another expansive conflict in the Mideast could mean for the Republican president who ran on a promise to quickly end the brutal wars in Gaza and Ukraine.

Trump has struggled to find an endgame to either of those conflicts and to make good on two of his biggest foreign policy campaign promises. After months of sitting in the White House, Trump has utterly failed to “end the war in Ukraine in 24 hours.”

And after criticizing President Joe Biden during last year’s campaign for preventing Israel from carrying out strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, Trump found himself making the case to the Israelis to give diplomacy a chance.

The push by the Trump administration to persuade Tehran to give up its nuclear program came after the U.S. and other world powers in 2015 reached a long-term, comprehensive nuclear agreement that limited Tehran’s enrichment of uranium in exchange for the lifting of economic sanctions.

But Trump unilaterally withdrew the U.S. from the Obama-administration brokered agreement in 2018, calling it the “worst deal ever.” The way forward is even more uncertain now.

The unprovoked attack targeted the country’s nuclear program and killed at least two top military officers. It triggered a reprisal, with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei warning that “severe punishment” would be directed at Israel.

Hours later, Israel’s military said it had begun intercepting Iranian drones launched in retaliation.

An Israeli official said the interceptions were taking place outside of Israeli territory, but did not elaborate. The official spoke on condition of anonymity pending a formal announcement.

Iraq said more than 100 Iranian drones had crossed its airspace. A short time later, neighboring Jordan said its air force and defense systems had intercepted several missiles and drones that had entered its airspace for fear they would fall in its territory.

Israel’s attack on Iran hit several sites, including the country’s main nuclear enrichment facility, where black smoke could be seen rising into the air.

The leader of Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard, General Hossein Salami, was confirmed dead, Iranian state television reported, a development that is a significant blow to Tehran’s governing theocracy and an immediate escalation of its long-simmering conflict with Israel.

The chief of staff of Iranian armed forces, General Mohammad Bagheri, was also confirmed dead by Iranian state television. Other top military officials and scientists were believed to have been killed.

In Washington, the Trump regime, which had cautioned Israel against an attack during continued negotiations over Iran’s nuclear enrichment program, said that it had not been involved and warned against any retaliation targeting U.S. interests or personnel.

Still, it seemed likely the U.S. suspected an attack could be in the offing, with Washington on June 11 pulling some American diplomats from Iraq’s capital and offering voluntary evacuations for the families of U.S. troops in the wider Middle East.

ISRAEL CLAIMS ATTACKS WERE PREEMPTIVE

Israeli leaders cast the preemptive assault as a fight for the nation’s survival that was necessary to head off an imminent threat that Iran would build nuclear bombs, though it remains unclear how close the country is to achieving that or whether Iran had actually been planning a strike soon.

“It could be a year. It could be within a few months,” Netanyahu said as he vowed to pursue the attack for as long as necessary to “remove this threat.”

“This is a clear and present danger to Israel’s very survival,” he said.

Israel is believed to have carried out numerous highly secretive attacks on Iranian soil over the years, though it has rarely acknowledged them. Most have been aimed at Iran’s nuclear program, though Iran has also accused Israel of targeting its natural gas pipelines and of assassinating Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran.

Over the past year, Israel has also been targeting Iran’s air defenses, hitting a radar system for a Russian-made air defense battery in April 2024 and surface-to-air missile sites and missile manufacturing facilities in October.

Some 200 Israeli aircraft took part in Friday’s operation, hitting about 100 targets, Israeli army chief spokesman Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin said, adding that the attacks were ongoing.

In the aftermath, Defrin said Iran had launched more than 100 drones toward Israel and that “all the defense systems are acting to intercept the threats.”

Israel, Iraq, Iran, and Jordan shut down their airspace to all flights as a precaution. Iran confirms top officials and scientists killed.

Khamenei issued a statement carried by the state-run IRNA news agency. It confirmed that top military officials and scientists had been killed in the attack.

Israel “opened its wicked and blood-stained hand to a crime in our beloved country, revealing its malicious nature more than ever by striking residential centers,” Khamenei said.

For Netanyahu, the operation distracts attention from Israel’s ongoing and increasingly devastating war in Gaza, which is now over 20 months old.

There is a broad consensus in the Israeli public that Iran is a major threat, and Israel’s opposition leader, Yair Lapid, a staunch critic of Netanyahu, offered his “full support” for the mission against Iran. But if Iranian reprisals cause heavy Israeli casualties or major disruptions to daily life, Netanyahu could see public opinion quickly shift.

Netanyahu expressed hope the attacks would trigger the downfall of Iran’s theocracy, saying his message to the Iranian people was that the fight was not with them, but with the “brutal dictatorship that has oppressed you for 46 years.”

“I believe that the day of your liberation is near,” the Israeli leader said.

Multiple sites in the Iranian capital were hit in the attack, which Netanyahu said targeted both nuclear and military sites. Also targeted were officials leading Iran’s nuclear program and its ballistic missile arsenal. The International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed that an Israeli strike hit Iran’s uranium enrichment facility at Natanz and said it was closely monitoring radiation levels.

The strike on Iran pushed the Israeli military to its limits, requiring the use of aging air-to-air refuelers to get its fighter jets close enough to attack. It wasn’t immediately clear if Israeli jets entered Iranian airspace or just fired so-called “standoff missiles” over another country. People in Iraq heard fighter jets overhead at the time of the attack. Israel previously attacked Iran from over the border in Iraq.

TENSION HAD BEEN GROWING FOR WEEKS AHEAD OF ATTACKS

The potential for an attack had been apparent for weeks as angst built over Iran’s nuclear program.

Trump on June 12 said that he did not believe an attack was imminent but also acknowledged that it “could very well happen.” Once the attacks were underway, the U.S. Embassy in Jerusalem issued an alert telling American government workers and their families to shelter in place until further notice.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Israel took “unilateral action against Iran” and that Israel advised the U.S. that it believed the strikes were necessary for its self-defense.

“We are not involved in strikes against Iran, and our top priority is protecting American forces in the region,” Rubio said in a statement released by the White House.

Trump is scheduled to attend a meeting of his National Security Council on June 13 in the White House Situation Room, where he is expected to discuss the conflict with top advisers. It is not clear if he plans to make public remarks on the strikes.

Israel has long been determined to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, a concern laid bare on Thursday when the Board of Governors at the International Atomic Energy Agency for the first time in 20 years censured Iran over its refusal to work with its inspectors. Iran immediately announced it would establish a third enrichment site in the country and swap out some centrifuges for more-advanced ones.

Even so, there are multiple assessments on how many nuclear weapons it could conceivably build, should it choose to do so. Iran would need months to assemble, test, and field any weapon, which it so far has said it has no desire to do. U.S. intelligence agencies also assess that Iran does not have a weapons program at this time.

In a sign of the far-reaching implications of the emerging conflict, Israel’s main airport was closed, and benchmark Brent crude spiked on news of the attack, rising nearly 8%. Both Iran and Israel closed their airspace.

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz warned that in the aftermath of the strikes, “missile and drone attacks against Israel and its civilian population are expected immediately.”

“It is essential to listen to instructions from the home front command and authorities to stay in protected areas,” he said in a statement.

As the explosions in Tehran started, Trump was on the lawn of the White House, mingling with members of Congress. It was unclear if he had been informed, but the president continued shaking hands and posing for pictures without addressing the developments.

“No issue currently divides the right as much as foreign policy,” Charlie Kirk, the founder of Turning Point USA and an ally of the Trump White House, posted on X. “I’m very concerned based on (everything) I’ve seen in the grassroots the last few months that this will cause a massive schism in MAGA and potentially disrupt our momentum and our insanely successful Presidency.”

Jack Posobiec, another prominent Trump supporter, also warned on X that a “direct strike on Iran right now would disastrously split the Trump coalition.”

Rosemary Kelanic, director of the Middle East program at Defense Priorities, said the job ahead for Trump and his team is to protect U.S. forces, who are highly vulnerable to Iranian retaliation.

“Israel’s strike on Iran must not become the United States’ war,” Kelanic said. “The U.S. public overwhelmingly opposes another military engagement in the Middle East for good reason. An open-ended military campaign in Iran would risk repeating the catastrophic mistakes of the 2003 war in Iraq, which inadvertently strengthened Tehran’s influence there.”

Trump, who vowed never to entangle the United States in another foreign war, now faces the consequences of his own failure to rein in a close ally. By ignoring warnings, dismantling past agreements, and proving unable to stop Netanyahu’s escalation, Trump has placed America in the path of yet another Middle East war.

If this new conflict widens, it will not be fought by diplomats or strategists. It will be young Americans, including boys from cities like Milwaukee, who will be sent to bleed for a war they did not start and may never understand.

Israel is open to accepting a 60-day ceasefire, President Donald Trump announced Tuesday, urging Hamas to sign the deal that he said would pave the way for a potential “end” to the war in Gaza. Trump’s announcement comes as he expects a visit from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the White House next week. Last week, the President upped the pressure on Israel and Hamas to reach an agreement that would end the war in Gaza and release the remaining Israeli hostages.

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It’s also come a day after one of the deadliest days in Gaza, as Israeli attacks killed more than 70 people. More than 56,000 Palestinians and more than 1,700 Israelis have been killed over the course of the war that began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. Trump’s shift in focus towards Gaza follows the tenuous ceasefire brokered between Israel and Iran in June after the U.S. joined Israel in bombing Iranian nuclear facilities. Trump may be hoping that, with a weakened Iran—one of Hamas’ key allies in the region—Hamas may be pressured to accept the conditions of this ceasefire agreement. “My Representatives had a long and productive meeting with the Israelis today on Gaza. Israel has agreed to the necessary conditions to finalize the 60 Day CEASEFIRE, during which time we will work with all parties to end the War,” Trump posted on Truth Social on Tuesday evening. “I hope, for the good of the Middle East, that Hamas takes this Deal, because it will not get better — IT WILL ONLY GET WORSE.”

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U.S. President Donald Trump speaks to reporters before boarding Marine One at the White House on July 1, 2025. Anna Moneymaker—Getty Images

Trump said that mediators Egypt and Qatar will deliver the final ceasefire proposal. The terms have not yet been publicly released, though reports say it would involve Hamas releasing 10 living Israeli hostages and 18 deceased ones during the 60-day ceasefire period. There are an estimated 50 hostages still in Gaza, of whom Israel believes around half are dead. The remaining hostages would be released upon the agreement of a permanent ceasefire.

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Earlier Tuesday, Trump said Netanyahu “wants to” reach a ceasefire deal and teased that one would likely come next week. Israeli Minister for Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer met with Trump officials, including Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, Tuesday, and a senior Israeli official told Axios that Dermer is prepared to begin indirect talks with Hamas concerning the deal. Trump ranted over the weekend about corruption proceedings against Netanyahu in Israel, calling it “a Witch Hunt,” and Netanyahu’s hearings this week were postponed on the basis of classified diplomatic and security reasons. Read More: Trump Tries to ‘Save’ Netanyahu as Israeli PM Faces Challenges at Home Earlier ceasefires have faltered Talks between Israel and Hamas have been stymied by disagreement over whether a ceasefire should include an end to the war. Hamas says a ceasefire must include the end of the war and a full withdrawal of Israel’s military from the Gaza Strip, which Israel has refused. Israel says it will only end its war in exchange for the dismantling and exile of Hamas, which Hamas has refused.

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An offer had already been on the table. Hamas had reportedly offered to release all hostages in exchange for a full withdrawal of Israel’s military from Gaza and an end to the war. On Sunday, Hamas official Mahmoud Mardawi reportedly said Netanyahu insisted on a temporary agreement that releases only 10 hostages. Mardawi accused Netanyahu of setting “impossible conditions aimed at thwarting the possibility of reaching a ceasefire agreement and a deal on the hostages.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks during a meeting in Jerusalem on May 11, 2025. Michael Kappeler—dpa/picture alliance/Getty Images

Previous ceasefire proposals have only been agreed to by one side or have proved short-lived. In November 2023, six weeks after the outbreak of war, Israel and Hamas began an initial four-day ceasefire. Hamas returned 50 Israeli hostages in exchange for the release of 150 Palestinian women and children held in Israeli prisons. Israel said it would extend the truce for the release of 10 more captives per day, but Netanyahu said he did not want a permanent ceasefire until Israel achieved his aim of dismantling Hamas.

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In March 2024, the UNSC passed a ceasefire proposal with 14 out of 15 members voting in favor. The U.S. abstained, after earlier in February vetoing another ceasefire resolution on the basis that it would impact talks between the U.S., Egypt, Israel, and Qatar. Later, the U.S. said the UNSC resolution was “non-binding.” In May 2024, Hamas agreed to a three-stage ceasefire proposal from Egypt and Qatar that involved releasing all Israeli hostages in exchange for some number of Palestinian prisoners, increasing aid into Gaza, the gradual withdrawal of Israel from Gaza, and lifting Israel’s siege on Gaza since 2007. Israel, however, rejected the proposal, instead launching a new military offensive in the city of Rafah.

Palestinians, carrying their personal belongings with them, migrate after the Israeli army targeted a tent camp for the displaced in Al-Mawasi in the city of Rafah in southern Gaza on May 28, 2024. Ali Jadallah—Anadolu/Getty Images

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On Jan. 19, 2025, Israel and Hamas began a three-phase ceasefire after delayed talks and Israeli military escalation. But after the first phase had been achieved, the ceasefire collapsed in March when Israel launched fresh airstrikes on Gaza before declaring that it was resuming the war. Sticking points likely remain It’s unclear whether Trump’s proposal, which Hamas has not yet agreed to, will take hold or prove more lasting than prior efforts. But domestic and international pressure has mounted on the U.S., Israel, and Hamas to bring the war in Gaza to an end as it drags into its 21st month. Over the weekend, protesters in Israel called for a deal that would free the remaining hostages in Gaza. “There’s a deal on the table,” said Einav Zangauker, the mother of one of the hostages, at the rally. “What prevents it is Netanyahu’s refusal to end the war.”

Protesters demanding a ceasefire in Gaza and the return of Israeli hostages gather in Tel Aviv on June 28, 2025. Mostafa Alkharouf—Anadolu/Getty Images

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Trump allies have suggested it is entirely on Hamas now. “Take the deal, or face the consequences,” former White House physician Rep. Ronny Jackson (R, Texas) posted on X. Whether those consequences could include U.S. involvement, as was the case with Iran, are unclear. Trump has on multiple occasions during his campaign and at the start of his second-term presidency vowed that the militant group will have “hell to pay” if it does not release all the hostages. Hamas is generally positive about the proposal, but has conditions, Hamas sources told London-based news outlet Al-Sharq Al-Awsat. Those conditions include a demand to make it more difficult for Israel to resume the war if a permanent ceasefire is not achieved by the end of the 60 days such as through the gradual release of the 10 hostages, a source involved in the negotiations told the Times of Israel. Still, while Trump has asserted that Israel is on board with a ceasefire proposal, observers suggest that may indicate the terms are unlikely to be acceptable to Hamas.

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“If Netanyahu has agreed to another interim deal, it’s almost certainly with language that doesn’t commit him to end war,” Middle East analyst and former U.S. diplomat Aaron David Miller posted on X. “The main holdup today is exactly the same as it was last year: Israel’s unwillingness to permanently end the war and Hamas’s refusal to accept anything less,” added foreign policy analyst and writer Daniel DePetris. “Unless Trump has found a way to crack those two irreconcilable positions, this is all theater.”

In the coming few days, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will face a defining choice between a politically motivated “war of deception” in Gaza and a deal to release all hostages while ending the war. He must choose between his extreme-right ministers—Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich—or aligning with Donald Trump. There is no symmetry here. Accepting a hostage deal, ending the war, and working with Trump and free world leaders, won’t be effortless. Any choice requires detailed negotiations and compromises. But this path is far superior to any realistic alternative.

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Based on the achievements of the Israel Defense Forces—including damage to Hamas, weakening Hezbollah, destroying Syria’s military arsenal during Assad’s collapse, and demonstrating Israel’s capability to strike deep into Iran—Israeli leadership could, from a position of strength, pursue releasing all hostages simultaneously, halt this senseless war, end the humanitarian crisis, and uproot Hamas from power. This would enable Israel, though belatedly, to join Trump’s vision of a New Middle East, including normalization with Saudi Arabia, regional deployment to tackle the Iranian challenge, and participation in the trade corridor project from India through the Gulf to Europe. Choosing a “war of deception” instead—where misleading propaganda presents political warfare as serving Israel’s security—would be a grave mistake. It’s highly doubtful that continuing the war could produce results different from previous Gaza rounds over the past 20 months. But it would certainly constitute a death sentence for some or most living hostages and deepen the diplomatic tsunami and International Criminal Court claims Israel already faces.

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This approach might make sense if it could achieve “total victory” over Hamas, but that won’t happen. When this new war inevitably halts—under diplomatic pressure, humanitarian crisis, battlefield events, or domestic political developments—we would find ourselves in precisely the same situation as today.

A search and rescue operation is underway following an airstrike in Gaza City on June 1, 2025. Abdul Hakim Abu Riash—Getty Images

To understand, examine recent history. The October 7th barbaric attack created a compelling imperative for Israel to ensure Hamas could never again reign over Gaza or threaten Israel from there. The question was how to achieve this goal. Since Ben-Gurion, Israel has followed four strategic maxims: wars should be aggressive, fought on enemy territory, ended quickly to translate battlefield results into diplomatic and political realities while maintaining international legitimacy, and—extremely important—never lose the moral high ground. That’s how we won in 1967 in six days and 1973 in three weeks. Netanyahu has betrayed almost all these principles.

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Read More: The Israel-Hamas Ceasefire Was Never Going to Last Another strategic maxim, from Clausewitz to Kissinger, holds that war must have a clearly defined, operationally feasible political purpose. As the Roman saying goes: “If you don’t know which port you want to reach, no wind will take you there.” This maxim was deliberately ignored. Netanyahu has blocked any discussion of this issue since October 7th, 2023. It was clear to any serious observer that Hamas suffered major military blows daily, losing most weapons systems and leadership figures since October 7th. However, since any Hamas group or individual can easily “disappear” within minutes, hiding among the Strip’s 2 million civilians and emerging from tunnels or building windows to attack Israelis, their absolute elimination remains a Sisyphean task. Even after 58 years in the West Bank, we never fully eliminated Hamas’ presence in Jenin or Tulkarm.

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The only way to ensure Hamas cannot reign over Gaza and threaten Israel is by replacing it with another governing entity legitimate to the international community, Arab neighbors like Egypt, UAE, and Saudi Arabia, and Palestinians themselves. Practically, this means a temporary inter-Arab force backed by the Arab League, potentially supported by UN Security Council resolution, funded by Saudi Arabia and UAE, with a technocratic government overseeing Palestinian bureaucracy and a new, non-Hamas security body trained by the inter-Arab force under U.S. supervision.

An anti-Hamas protest takes place in Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip on March 26, 2025. Youssef Alzanoun/Middle East Images—Getty Images

Israel would present only two conditions: no Hamas military branch member could participate in the new entity’s organs, and the IDF, initially deployed to the Strip’s perimeter, would withdraw to the border only after all pre-agreed security benchmarks are met. This plan, easily implementable a year ago, and appearing to save Gaza and Gazans from further destruction, is harder now, because it could be interpreted as saving Israel from sinking into Gazan mud. But the plan remains viable despite the Israeli government’s refusal to consider it.

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Since this is the only practical “day after” plan, there’s no sense sacrificing hostages’ lives or endangering Israeli troops in pointless warfare. Who can look into the eyes of future bereaved parents, newly widowed spouses, new orphans, disabled and traumatized soldiers, and claim with clear conscience that everything was done to prevent loss, or that it had justification? As long as Israel rejects hostage release and war’s end, the risk increases of international initiatives, including Arab neighbors calling for Israel boycotts and steps toward recognition of a Palestinian state by European countries—many of them stable friends of Israel. Read More: I Am a Former Hamas Hostage. Here’s My Message to Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu Permanent occupation of the Gaza Strip, population transfer of 2 million Palestinians, and Israeli resettlement on the that land are base and delusional visions that would backfire and accelerate confrontation with the world.

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Why is Netanyahu, an intelligent, experienced, savvy politician, failing? The answer isn’t simple. Netanyahu has ruled since 2015 through an alliance with ultra-Orthodox parties who don’t serve in the army and care only about sectoral needs, and since January 2023 added ultra-right zealots believing Gaza resettlement and Palestinian transfer are heavenly orders. He’s caught in a dilemma: 80% of the public sees him as primarily responsible for the country’s worst day, 60% believe he should resign. A heavy majority perceives his judicial reform, initiated immediately after January 2023 elections, as a “judicial coup d’état”—an attempt to castrate the legislative branch and demolish Supreme Court independence. Many believe the aim of his blatant attack on democracy is to escape his bribery, fraud, and breach of trust court case.

A demonstrator raises a placard calling for action to secure the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza during a protest outside the defense ministry in Tel Aviv, Israel, on Jan. 14, 2025. Jack Guez—Getty Images

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For him, any pause in the war—even 60 days, certainly longer—would immediately bring reckoning and accountability: accelerated court proceedings; demands for national inquiry committee investigating October 7th, and events before, during and after; coalition meltdown; and probable disgraced ejection from public life. I believe Netanyahu genuinely wants all hostages home. But when this clashes with immediate threats to his political survival, he prefers leaving them in Gaza. He has already torpedoed several hostage deal opportunities, and seems to be doing it once again over the weekend, by resisting U.S. guarantee to Hamas for an end to the war in exchange for release of all hostages and entering, together with the Trump Administration, into Trump’s New Middle East Order (to include the replacement of Hamas, described above). Netanyahu sticks to his eternal war in order to avoid a pause in fighting, which might lead to the end of his political career.

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This behavior is unacceptable to Israel and Israelis. We are, as former Supreme Court President Aharon Barak wrote years ago, “defending democracy” that “should be capable of defending itself against those who try to use the very freedoms and tools it provides to destroy it from within.” We’re led by someone who lost his strategic and moral compass, dragging the nation into war motivated by personal political interests against our security and common future.

Israel urgently needs new, sober leadership with clear realistic vision and self-confidence—leadership capable of reading our people’s soul, understanding partners’ and rivals’ minds, and above all, having courage to make decisions and power to implement them.

The world will pass judgment. But the burden of bringing Israel back on track is ours—Israeli citizens. I believe we will overcome. This war will end soon, and Israel’s worst ever government will be replaced by a responsible, effective one. A long path of repair must follow.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa meets with U.S. President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in this handout released on May 14, 2025. Saudi Press Agency/Handout via REUTERS Purchase Licensing Rights , opens new tab

Item 1 of 8 Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa meets with U.S. President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in this handout released on May 14, 2025. Saudi Press Agency/Handout via REUTERS

Summary Trump’s Gulf tour sidelines Netanyahu, marks new Middle East order

Netanyahu’s stance on Gaza, US-Iran talks creates rift with US

Massive arms and financial deals signal US pivot to wealthy Gulf

Domestic critics say Netanyahu’s policies leave Israel paralysed

DUBAI, May 18 (Reuters) – Nothing captured Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s isolation more starkly this week than the image of U.S. President Donald Trump shaking hands with Syria’s Islamist leader Ahmed al‑Sharaa – a man Israel has branded “an al‑Qaeda terrorist in a suit.”

“He’s got the potential. He’s a real leader,” Trump told reporters after talks with Sharaa on Wednesday in Riyadh – a meeting brokered by his Saudi hosts, with whom the U.S. president agreed a slew of arms, business and technology deals.

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Trump’s whirlwind four-day tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates this week was more than just a diplomatic spectacle marked by lucrative investments.

It sealed the emergence of a new Sunni-led Middle East order – one that eclipses Iran’s shattered ‘axis of resistance’, and leaves Israel sidelined, according to three regional and two Western sources.

Amid growing irritation in Washington with Israel’s failure to reach a ceasefire in Gaza, Trump’s tour was a snub to Netanyahu, a close U.S. ally who was the first foreign leader to visit Washington after the president returned to office in January, the sources said.

The message was clear: in Trump’s less ideological, more results-driven vision of Middle East diplomacy, Netanyahu could no longer count on unconditional U.S. support for his right-wing agenda, the sources said.

“This administration is very frustrated with Netanyahu and that frustration is showing,” said David Schenker, a former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs under Republican former President George W. Bush.

“They’re very, very transactional, and Netanyahu isn’t giving them anything right now.”

The sources said that the U.S. was not about to turn its back on Israel, which remains a vital U.S. ally whose support in Washington runs deep and is bipartisan.

But the Trump administration wanted to deliver the message to Netanyahu that America has its own interests in the Middle East and it does not like him standing in its way, the sources added.

U.S. patience has been strained not just by the Israeli prime minister’s refusal to countenance a Gaza ceasefire but also his objection to U.S. talks with Iran over its nuclear program, according to sources familiar with the matter.

Netanyahu’s office did not respond to requests for comment. It has made no public statements on Trump’s regional visit.

A spokesperson for the White House’s National Security Council emphasized Trump was a friend to Israel.

“We continue to work closely with our ally Israel to ensure remaining hostages in Gaza are freed, Iran never obtains a nuclear weapon, and to strengthen regional security in the Middle East,” NSC spokesman James Hewitt said.

While publicly insisting U.S.-Israeli relations remain strong, Trump administration officials have privately expressed irritation with Netanyahu’s refusal to fall into line with Washington’s positions on Gaza and Iran, according to sources familiar with the matter.

Six regional and Western sources said friction between the U.S. and Israel was building before Trump’s regional trip.

The tension began when Netanyahu flew to Washington on a second visit in April seeking Trump’s backing for military strikes on Iran’s nuclear sites – only to discover, to his shock, that Trump was opting for diplomacy.

An unbending advocate for a hardline stance against Tehran, Netanyahu was caught off guard, learning just hours before his meeting that negotiations were about to start.

In the following weeks, Trump’s declaration of a ceasefire with the Houthis in Yemen, rapprochement with Syria’s new Islamist leadership and bypassing of Israel on his Gulf visit showed how the traditionally close relations have become strained, the sources said.

David Makovsky, a fellow at the Washington Institute, where he directs a project on Arab-Israeli relations, said Washington and Tel Aviv “don’t seem in sync on the big questions the way they were in the first hundred days” of Trump’s presidency.

GAZA PROVES DIVISIVE

During his election campaign, Trump made clear he wanted a ceasefire in Gaza and the hostages there released before he returned to the White House.

But months into Trump’s presidency, Netanyahu has continued to defy ceasefire calls, expanded the offensive, and offered no endgame or a post-war plan after 19 months of conflict. The death toll in Gaza has passed 52,900 in recent days, according to local health officials.

The war – which has sparked international outcry over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza – was triggered by Palestinian Islamist group Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023 attack on Israel that killed around 1,200 people and captured some 250 hostages.

Any hope that Trump could use his regional visit to cement his image as a peacemaker and announce a deal to end the bitterly divisive war were dashed.

Instead, Netanyahu – who is charged with war crimes in Gaza by the International Criminal Court – has doubled-down on his aim of crushing Hamas. Netanyahu is also on trial in Israel over corruption charges, which he denies.

As Trump wrapped up his visit, Israel launched a new offensive on Friday in Gaza. Israeli strikes have killed hundreds of Palestinians in recent days.

Trump’s other key priority – expanding the Abraham Accords establishing diplomatic ties between Israel and Arab states to include Saudi Arabia – has also been blocked by Netanyahu’s intransigence.

Riyadh has made it clear it will not normalize relations with Israel until the war has ceased and there is a path to Palestinian statehood, something Netanyahu rejects.

“He’s got no strategy, no day-after plan on Gaza,” Schenker said. “And he’s standing in the way.”

Publicly, Trump himself has dismissed any talk of a rift. In an interview with Fox News, broadcast after the regional visit, Trump denied being frustrated with Netanyahu, who he said faced “a tough situation” over the war in Gaza.

But Trump is forging ahead without Netanyahu. With unapologetic self-interest, the American president is driving a realignment of U.S. diplomacy toward wealthy Sunni states, anchored by oil-rich Riyadh.

One senior regional source said Trump’s visit had crowned the influential role of Saudi Arabia as the leader of the Sunni Arab world. By contrast, years of Iranian overreach – and Israel’s heavy military blows to its proxies Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon – have left Shi’ite regional power Tehran diminished.

“Iran had the leading role; now Saudi Arabia has entered with other tools: the economy, money, investment,” the source said.

SUNNI ASCENDANCY

Although Netanyahu led the fight against Iran, the new regional order is being shaped in Riyadh, Doha and Abu Dhabi.

These Gulf monarchies are eager to gain access to sophisticated weaponry to shield them from attacks by Iran and its proxies, as well as to secure advanced U.S. chips and AI technology.

They have found a willing partner in a U.S. president whose foreign policy can sometimes blur with his family’s financial interests.

In Qatar, on the second leg of his tour, Trump was offered a luxuriously outfitted 747 Boeing jet, and welcomed with regal fanfare befitting a monarch. Amid a lavish ceremony, sword dances, a cavalry parade and royal banquet, Trump declared Qatar – which has provided major financial support to Hamas – was “absolutely trying to help” with the Israeli hostage crisis.

Trump’s statement struck a nerve in Jerusalem, where officials view Doha as a strategic threat bankrolling one of their bitterest enemies.

Many Israelis “don’t understand just how central Qatar has become to the U.S.”, said Yoel Guzansky, a Senior Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University, noting it hosts the largest U.S. military base in the Middle East.

While its ties to Hamas make Qatar a threat to Israel, its vast natural gas wealth, financial clout and diplomatic influence have turned it into an indispensable ally to Washington, Guzanksy added.

In total, the White House estimated the tour secured more than $2 trillion in investment commitments for the U.S. economy – including major orders of Boeing planes, deals to buy U.S. defense equipment, data and technology agreements. A Reuters tally of publicly announced deals put the total value at closer to $700 billion

In Saudi Arabia, Trump agreed a record $142 billion arms deal with Riyadh, stoking Israeli fears over losing air superiority in the region if Riyadh gains access to Lockhead’s F-35 jet.

At the same time, in a recalibration of U.S.-Saudi ties, Trump offered Riyadh leeway on establishing relations with Israel, telling its rulers they could do so in their own time.

Now, Trump is negotiating a US-led civil nuclear investment for Saudi Arabia – another deal causing concern in Israel.

Sunni states also pushed their own diplomatic agenda. Trump’s surprise announcement during his tour that he would lift sanctions against Syria – another major shift in U.S. policy – came at the behest of Saudi Arabia and over the objections of Israel.

Until December, when Sharaa toppled Syrian autocrat Bashar al-Assad, Washington had a $10 million reward for his capture.

Gulf nations have also applauded Trump’s truce with the Houthis in Yemen, part of Iran’s regional ‘axis of resistance’, which put an end to a costly U.S. military operation in the Red Sea. The announcement, which followed the opening of nuclear talks with Iran, came just two days after a Houthi missile struck Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport.

“Israel is more and more looking like a spoiler, that stands in the way not just of the US, but the international community, as it tries to shape the region differently after the fall of al-Assad and Hezbollah, and maybe end the Gaza war,” said Guzansky, a former coordinator of Iran-Gulf affairs at Israel’s National Security Council.

While Netanyahu’s right-wing government has maintained silence on Trump’s visit, Israeli media has voiced concern that the country’s standing with its most important ally has been eroded.

Opposition politicians have criticized the prime minister for leaving Israel sidelined while old alliances are reconfigured.

Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who is preparing a return to politics, delivered a blistering indictment of Netanyahu’s government, capturing the sense of alarm gripping many in Israel’s political and security establishment.

“The Middle East is undergoing tectonic changes before our eyes, our enemies are getting stronger, and Netanyahu…and his gang are paralyzed, passive, as if they don’t exist,” the former prime minister and minister of defense said on social media platform X.

Reporting by Samia Nakhoul in Dubai and James Mackenzie in Jerusalem; Additional reporting by Matt Spetalnick in Washington, Tom Perry and Laila Bassam in Beirut; Writing by Samia Nakhoul; Editing by Daniel Flynn

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