In a strongly worded editorial published on Sunday, The New York Times urged democratic nations around the world to end their silence and take a firmer stand against what it said was Turkey’s growing authoritarianism under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

The editorial talked about how Turkey, a key NATO member and a strategically located at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and the Middle East, has been steadily sliding away from democratic norms over the past decade.

Over his 22 years in power, Erdoğan has centralized authority, curbed judicial independence, suppressed media freedom and manipulated elections, the editorial board said.

The recent arrest of İstanbul’s popular mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu, Erdoğan’s main political rival along with nearly 100 of his associates on “dubious charges,” marks a major escalation in Erdoğan’s crackdown on dissent. As the NYT put it, “Turkey is on the path that Russia has traveled,” where an initially elected leader dismantles democratic institutions to stay in power indefinitely.

İmamoğlu, a member of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), first rose to national prominence in 2019 when he defeated the candidate of Erdoğan’s party in İstanbul’s mayoral election, not once but twice after the government annulled his initial victory. Since then, he has emerged as a major opposition figure with a reputation for good governance and moderation. In an opinion from prison he wrote for the NYT, İmamoğlu warned: “This is more than the slow erosion of democracy. It is the deliberate dismantling of our republic’s institutional foundations.”

The editorial criticized the global response to these developments as weak.

A short time after İmamoğlu’s arrest, which took place two months after US President Donald Trump assumed office, Trump said of Erdoğan, “I happen to like him, and he likes me,” while many European leaders stayed quiet. Ursula von der Leyen, president of the European Commission, said only that the arrest was “deeply concerning.”

“There are no easy answers, given Turkey’s strategic importance and Mr. Erdogan’s grip on power. But the world’s democracies are getting the balance wrong. They can do more to support Turkey’s people and pressure Mr. Erdogan,” said the NYT.

Drawing attention to Erdoğan’s potential plans to bypass constitutional term limits and remain in power beyond 2028, the editorial said foreign pressure can still influence his calculations. Turkey’s heavy reliance on trade with European countries, especially Germany, provides critical leverage, the NYT claimed.

After İmamoğlu’s arrest, hundreds of thousands of Turks took to the streets in the largest protests in years, despite facing mass arrests and politically motivated trials. Their courage, the editorial concludes, “deserves more than global silence.”

Although Imamoglu’s detention in jail has been widely criticised internationally, President Erdogan has largely escaped censure, with Western allies viewing him as a key Nato ally.

In his comments to reporters on Wednesday, Erdogan said Turkey’s constitution did not reflect the views of civilians as it was mainly written in the wake of a 1980 military coup, even though it has been amended.

“In such a rapidly changing world, is it possible to get anywhere with a constitution that was written under the conditions of a coup?” he asked.

The current constitution only allows two five-year presidential terms. Erdogan is already on his third, but he argued his initial term took place before Turkey moved from parliamentary rule to presidential rule.

That change required a constitutional referendum in 2017 that gave Erdogan sweeping powers, but still only allows two presidential terms.

To obtain another referendum he needs the backing of 360 MPs in the 600-seat parliament, but can currently only rely on 321. With 400 votes he could change the constitution immediately.

His recent move to bring an end to more than four decades of conflict with the Kurdish militant PKK has been interpreted by some as a bid to attract Kurdish support for a new constitution.

Erdogan said on Wednesday that by laying down its arms the PKK would enable the pro-Kurdish DEM party to continue in politics “in a much stronger way”.

The DEM party has 56 MPs and, with their backing, Erdogan would have a far greater chance in parliament to change the constitution.

The deputy chairman of Ekrem Imamoglu’s opposition CHP party, Ali Mahir Basarir, said Erdogan had no chance of running again because of a constitution that he had designed himself. Erdogan could also call early elections, but he wasn’t allowing those either, Basarir said.

ISTANBUL, July 1 (Reuters) – Turkish authorities detained 109 people, including opposition party members and a former mayor, on Tuesday in Izmir, the Anadolu state news agency said, expanding a months-long legal crackdown on the opposition that had been focused on Istanbul.

The Izmir prosecutor ordered the detention of a total 157 people in the early morning hours as part of an investigation into corruption, tender rigging and fraud in the western coastal city, Anadolu reported. Police are continuing efforts to find the remaining 48 people, it added.

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Murat Bakan, an Izmir lawmaker from the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) – which has faced waves of arrests since late last year – said former Izmir Mayor Tunc Soyer had been detained along with senior officials and a provincial chairman of the party.

“We woke up to another dawn operation today. We are facing a process similar to what happened in Istanbul,” Bakan said on X, adding that the judicial system appeared to be “acting on instructions”.

Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan looks on during a press conference at the NATO summit in The Hague, Netherlands June 25, 2025. REUTERS/Piroschka Van De Wouw/File photo Purchase Licensing Rights , opens new tab

Those arrested in Turkey’s broader crackdown include Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, the main political rival of President Tayyip Erdogan. Imamoglu was jailed in March pending trial on corruption charges, which he denies. That sparked the largest street protests in a decade and a sharp selloff in Turkish assets.

The CHP denies the charges levelled against it. Along with some Western countries, the CHP and rights groups have called the crackdown a politicised move to eliminate electoral challenges to Erdogan and silence dissent.

The government denies these claims, saying Turkey’s judiciary and courts are independent.

According to the prosecutor’s statement published by Anadolu news, the investigation into Izmir municipality found that irregularities in tenders and expenses involving subcontractor companies had caused public loss.

Reporting by Jonathan Spicer Editing by Himani Sarkar and Gareth Jones

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Arresting political opponents amounts to fascism

When Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan arrested Istanbul Mayor and rival Ekrem İmamoğlu, mass protests erupted. But Erdoğan is hardly the only autocrat pulling that stunt.

“A major opposition leader and former prime minister of Chad was arrested early Friday, fueling fears of another crackdown on dissent in a country that has repeatedly used state power to silence critics,” the New York Times reported. Meanwhile, CNN reports: “Tanzania’s main opposition leader Tundu Lissu told his supporters to have no fear as he appeared in court on Monday for the first time since his arrest on charges that include treason.”

Domestic critics of these autocrats and the international community rightly condemn such blatant abuse of power. So why has the reaction to Donald Trump’s arrest of political opponents and judges not been greeted with equal outrage?

Trump has now set a clear pattern that no other president in modern times has tried, at least since the Red Scare. Judge Hannah Dugan was arrested on spurious charges of obstructing an ICE arrest. ICE agents arrested Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, who accompanied members of Congress to investigate a detention center. When that frivolous, unjustified trespassing charge failed, the Trump minions lashed out and arrested Democratic Rep. LaMonica McIver (D-N.J.), who had engaged in her constitutional obligation to exercise oversight.

Democratic House leaders reacted with appropriate anger. “The criminal charge against Congresswoman LaMonica McIver is extreme, morally bankrupt and lacks any basis in law or fact,” they issued in a joint statement. “Members of Congress have a constitutional responsibility to conduct oversight of the executive branch wherever and whenever it is needed.” They added, “We are lawfully permitted to show up at any federal facility unannounced to conduct an inspection on behalf of the American people.” Rather than assault anyone, the congressional members “were themselves aggressively mistreated by illegally masked individuals.”

If the corporate media could tear themselves away from selling hysterical tell-all books and kvetching over who knew what about former President Joe Biden’s aging, they might report to the American people that the current president is acting no better than autocrats in Turkey, Chad, or Tanzania. Trump’s out-and-out thuggery, indistinguishable from dictators using state power to jail opponents, strikes at the heart of our democratic system. If we are to retain the rule of law, such conduct can never be countenanced.

The corporate media’s refusal to recognize and illuminate the scope of Trump’s tactics could not be more glaring. The story did not even make the front pages of the online New York Times, Washington Post, or Wall Street Journal on Tuesday. Republicans, who would have revealed a wave of fainting spells and cardiac arrests had Biden arrested a single Republican, remained mute, unsurprisingly.)

While Republicans cower and the billionaire media ignore the authoritarian menace, the American people cannot tolerate such lawlessness. The united pro-democracy community—including civil society organizations, judges, local and state leaders, and all people of conscience—should be peacefully marching and protesting political arrests, furiously contacting their elected representatives, and demanding that corporate media focus on the complete collapse of democratic norms. Surely, we can respond to Trump at least as strenuously as Turkey’s anti-Erdogan coalition did to its autocrat.

Side trips

One of my travel “hacks” I shared with you has really proved worthwhile on this trip. By giving yourself adequate days in a larger city, you can cover sites of all sizes (e.g., the small but delightful modern art museums in Palma, Mallorca, and Valencia) while leaving time for day-trip adventures.

While staying in Palma, we decided to go out to the gorgeous mountain town of Valledemossa (famous for the visit of Frederic Chopin and George Sands) and the Sóller Valley. There was no affordable private tour that fit our plans, so we chose a group tour that got us from one place to the next but gave us adequate time to explore on our own.

After traveling by bus to Valledemossa (with helpful narration from the guide), we were delighted to find the “cell” (rented rooms, really) where Chopin and Sands stayed (complete with the piano shipped to him, music manuscripts, and other memorabilia), plus the attached palace-turned-monastery and lovely gardens. The view was spectacular.

We continued on a winding trek through the Tramuntana mountains, giving us spectacular views of the Mediterranean, quaint villages, and enormous estates. We found a pretty stop for lunch, visited the impressive church (where the organist was practicing!) of San Bartholomew, Patron Saint of Sóller, and spotted a lovely example of art nouveau grill work in the city square. A totally unexpected bonus: Small but first-rate Picasso and Miro galleries. A delightful open-air tram took us down the breathtaking port area for strolling, shopping, and (of course!) gelato. A short bus trip back to Palma gave us plenty of time for a late-closing museum.

Today, we did the other end of the side trip spectrum—navigating the public bus, and then taxi, to Pollentia. Palma has a beautiful, clean, modern bus station. The buses are super-comfortable, air-conditioned, and equipped with outlets to charge your electronics. We made it out to our destination: the Roman ruins. These were among the most complete and well-labeled outside Pompeii. Homes, a forum (with shops and temples), and a theater. The small museum has some marvelously preserved articles from the Roman and Muslim eras. A quick visit to the church and a trek around the walled city of Alcudia completed the day.

Some of the benefits of day trips such as these: You cover a lot of ground without driving, the travel between stops is part of the experience, and the perspective of “getting out of town,” plus discovering hidden gems along the way, never fail to enhance the entire experience.

Turkey’s freedom of expression and press freedom has been making headlines in Germany for years. The non-governmental organization Reporters Without Borders has ranked Turkey 159 out of 180 countries in its global press freedom index 2025.

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At the moment, officially “only” four people are in prison for their journalistic activities. While this marks a significant drop from a few years ago, the government is constantly finding new ways to suppress independent journalism. For example, passports of media professionals released from prison have been withheld so they are not able to leave the country. Foreign journalists are also unable to work freely in Turkey, as the arrest of Swedish journalist Kaj Joakim Medin shows.

‘Turkiye Has Won’: Erdogan’s FIRST Victory Speech After Kurdish PKK Fighters Disarm

According to estimates by reporters without borders and the international press institute (IPI), more than 95 per cent of Turkish media are considered to be close to the government. This means that they are either directly or indirectly run by business people loyal to the government.

New wave of repression

Observers report systematic interference in journalistic work. “The situation of media freedom in Turkey has been tense for 20 years,” states Berk Esen, a political scientist at Sabanci university in Istanbul.

The government’s interventions have gradually worsened the situation. “The remaining mainstream broadcasters have been brought into line methodically over the past few years. What has remained is a handful of stations close to the opposition,” says Esen.

Now the political pressure has taken on a new form: Turkey’s two largest TV stations critical of the government, Sözcü TV and Halk TV, will not be allowed to broadcast any programs for 10 days.

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The broadcasting ban came into force on Tuesday in accordance with a decision by the radio and television supreme council, or short, RTÜK. The decision was justified with the accusation of “incitement of the people”.

The ban of Halk TV is due to statements made by a studio guest on June 26. The guest had said: “Turkey is not becoming more religious, but more sectarian.”

In the case of Sözcü TV, RTÜK judged the live broadcast of the protests following the arrest of Istanbul mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem Imamoglu as “incitement to hatred and hostility,” according to observers.

Imamoglu has been in custody since March and is considered the most important opposition politician and a promising rival to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

“The government intended to quickly weaken the opposition by arresting Imamoglu. That didn’t work, Imamoglu has even become more popular with the government’s opponents. That is why the government is changing its strategy and increasing the pressure on other areas,” analyzes Esen.

Criticism is no longer tolerated

On Monday, one day before the ten-day broadcasting ban came into force, a court upheld the appeal by Halk TV’s lawyers and suspended the enforcement for the time being. Nevertheless, the broadcasting bans are seen as a new escalation in the handling of press freedom. For the first time, two opposition broadcasters were silenced on the same day and for the same period of time. “With these punishments, RTÜK is trying to prevent the media from reporting on public affairs and suppress critical voices,” the Turkish Journalists’ Association, or TGC, stated.

Also the deputy leader of the largest opposition party, Gökce Gökcen, expressed her outrage: “The broadcasting bans affect the very stations that have shown how unfounded the accusations against our local political representatives are. This is no coincidence. The fact that the [oppositional] Republican People’s Party, or CHP, has become the strongest party in Turkey is being punished, and the press is being punished for reporting on it.

In the end, the people themselves are being silenced.”

The CEO of Halk TV, Cafer Mahiroglu, warned that this step could be followed by the complete withdrawal of the broadcasting license.

Also the European Parliament’s rapporteur on Turkey, Nacho Sanchez Amor, wrote on X “I doubt even George Orwell could think of something like RTÜK! (…) Freedom of media speech are becoming a distant memory in Turkey. There is now a generation that never knew it and it’s so sad.”

Increasing economic pressure

The consequences of those bans are also serious in economic terms. Without advertising revenue, opposition broadcasters are basically unable to survive. “Media that report critically on the government are put under pressure with broadcasting bans and fines and weakened economically,” the Turkish Journalists’ Association said.

According to the Media and Legal Studies Association (MLSA), RTÜK imposed fines totaling 124 million Turkish lira (around €4m at the exchange rate at the time) between 1 January 2023 and 30 June 2024 and ordered broadcasts to be interrupted in 1357 cases.

In the first half of 2023 alone, five opposition broadcasters were fined around 20 million Turkish lira (around €1.5 m at the time), while pro-government media remained virtually untouched.

A critical phase for Turkey

The TV bans hit Turkey at a politically tense time: the peace process with the PKK is causing controversy. Furthermore, numerous high-ranking oppositional CHP politicians are in custody. The former mayor of Izmir, Tunc Soyer, has been under arrest since the weekend.

Turkey’s third-largest city is considered a CHP stronghold and was previously one of the last major cities in which an opposition party had a majority.

“The government currently wants to control rather than eliminate. Of course, this could change in the future,” analyst Esen told DW, adding that despite the extremely tense situation, press freedom could continue to worsen. “We haven’t hit rock bottom yet,” he fears.