Boitumelo Molete, the social development policy coordinator for the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and a commissioner at South Africa’s Presidential Climate Commission, takes part in the Just Transition Rising action at the Bonn Climate Change Conference in Germany on 18 June 2025.

The UN climate negotiations that took place in Bonn this June did not bring the progress that is needed to stop the climate emergency, nor did it take the devastating impact of climate change on workers and their families into account. However, climate negotiators could agree on a text to start discussions on a Just Transition Mechanism at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)’s Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belém, Brazil later this year. And for this, trade unions will work together with social movements to make governments accountable and deliver climate solutions that make a difference.

The global labour movement is looking forward to COP30 in Brazil with a lot of hope and high expectations. At the preparatory Bonn Climate Conference (also known as SB62) – convened from 16-26 June in Bonn, Germany – the Brazilian government presented their plans. But the result of two weeks of negotiations in Bonn is disappointing. There is no agreement on the Just Transition Mechanism that trade unions and social movements are asking for.

Boitumelo Molete from the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) has participated in the UN climate negotiations since COP26 was held in Glasgow, Scotland in 2021. For her: “The majority of the climate negotiators are completely disconnected from the realities of the workers due to the climate emergency. Our members get sick and lose income during heat waves while they have only limited access to health care protection and other social protection measures. Women especially are hit very hard by this. The recent floods in South Africa’s Eastern Cape displaced families and destroyed homes. Yet, no loss and damage mechanisms are in place to support recovery. Communities are left to fend for themselves, with no resources, no protection, and no recourse. This cannot be what climate response and action is”.

“We are witnessing the triple crisis of poverty, inequality and unemployment deepening. Youth unemployment stands at over 60 per cent in South Africa, yet there are no accessible pathways for education, training, reskilling or re-employment. Promises are made, however, there is no infrastructure, no access, and no urgency to support those being left behind.”

Climate negotiators in Bonn discussed how countries can step up the social dimension of climate change. Trade unions see a direct and positive connection between providing better jobs, better social protection, training and skills to deliver the ambitious climate policies that are needed to reach the goals of the Paris Agreement.

“Trade unions are the official representatives of the workers and they need a place at the table to negotiate agreements through social dialogue and collective bargaining. Meaningful social dialogue should take place at the company level, in the sectors and at the national and international level,” says Molete. “In South Africa, we have the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) that is the vehicle by which government, labour, business and community organisations seek to cooperate, through problem-solving and negotiation, on economic, labour and development issues. These institutions need to be made much stronger because they deliver social justice for the workers,” she says.

Nothing about us without us

The global trade union movement has concrete demands for governments to include these social dialogue practices in international climate negotiations. Governments at the UNFCCC need to decide on the establishment of a Just Transition Mechanism where they can share good practices and learn from each other. There is also a need for accountability.

“Every country should integrate the impact on workers and their communities of climate change and climate policies in the national climate plans and in the national consultation mechanisms,” says Molete. “Countries should report about this at the UNFCCC. Workers and their unions should also get a formal seat at the table about these issues at the UNFCCC. Nothing about us without us!”

At the climate conference in Bonn there was a strong demand from developing countries to put ‘trade-restrictive unilateral measures’ on the agenda. The countries from the Global South demand the right industrial development and to see some climate measures from the developed countries as protectionist trade measures.

“We need a fair chance for industrial development to bring prosperity to our people. With unemployment and poverty still rampant it is unacceptable that our countries do not get access to technology and finance for genuine development that effectively deals with poverty,” says Molete.

At the end of two weeks of negotiations in Bonn there was agreement on a text to start discussing at COP30, which takes place in Belém, Brazil from 10-21 November 2025. While this text still leaves all the options open, it is an important step forward. The global trade union movement will organise and mobilise together with social movements to have workers on top of the agenda in Belém.

“We want an agreement on a Just Transition Work Programme that delivers for workers, their families and communities. A just transition is not a slogan; it must be a lived reality, grounded in fairness, consultation, and equity,” says Molete. “We, the workers on the frontline, demand a real just transition. Amandla!”

Catholic bishops representing more than 800 million people across the Global South, for the first time in history, issued a joint statement demanding an “ambitious implementation” of the Paris Agreement.

“Ten years since the publication of Laudato Si’ and the signing of the Paris Agreement, the countries of the world have not responded with the necessary urgency,” the Catholic Episcopal Conferences and Councils of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean wrote in their appeal for climate justice, referring to the late Pope Francis’ landmark encyclical calling for the urgent need to care for the environment.

Laudato Si’ was released in 2015, and is reflected in the preamble the Paris Agreement on climate change adopted by nearly every country in the world in December that year. Part of the agreement requires that participating countries prepare and maintain their own Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the impacts of human-induced climate change.

The bishops’ appeal, launched at a Vatican press office briefing, demanded that “states implement ambitious NDCs on a scale commensurate with the climate emergency.” The call to action comes months after the US pulled out of the Paris Agreement and ahead of the upcoming COP30.

During the briefing, Cardinal Filipe Neri Ferrão, president of the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences, said, “In Asia, millions of people are already living the devastating effects of climate change, typhoons, forced migration, loss of islands, pollution of rivers.”

“ Fossil fuels belong to the past; the future must be powered by clean, renewable energy. Bishop Allwyn D’Silva, chairman, Office of Human Development of the Federation of Asian Bishops Conferences

Reaffirming the science of limiting global warming to 1.5° Celsius (3.6° Fahrenheit) “to avoid catastrophic effects,” the statement committed the Catholic Church to several actions, including defending the most vulnerable, strengthening the intercontinental alliance between countries in the Global South, and paving the way for a coalition between the Global North and South.

It urged wealthy nations to pay their ecological debt without further indebting the Global South countries and called for nations to phase out fossil fuels while promoting economic regrowth. It also demanded protection for Indigenous peoples, ecosystems and impoverished communities, including vulnerable groups such as women and youth.

The 34-page appeal said climate finance needs to be transparent and directly delivered to vulnerable communities. It also called on development banks and financial institutions to not invest in fossil fuels or extractive projects.

“It is seriously contradictory to use profits from oil extraction to finance what is presented as an energy transition, without any effective commitment to overcoming it,” the statement read. “It is essential to denounce all attempts to financialise nature,” which turns “elements of creation” such as forests and rivers into “commodities subject to the logic of profit,” it said.

In a press release, Bishop Allwyn D’Silva, chairman of the Office of Human Development of the Federation of Asian Bishops Conferences, said, “Fossil fuels belong to the past; the future must be powered by clean, renewable energy.”

This story was published with permission from Mongabay.com.

The approval last week by Brazil’s Congress of a bill that weakens environmental safeguards for mining, infrastructure and agricultural projects has raised concerns at home and abroad that the new regulation could result in more industrial pollution, deforestation and fossil fuel exploration.

Ahead of the COP30 UN climate summit Brazil will host in the Amazon city of Belém in November, the new bill is seen by activists as undermining the country’s green credentials, following a government auction of 34 oil and gas exploration blocks last month, some offshore in the mouth of the Amazon River.

Business backers argue that streamlining environmental licensing is necessary for Brazil to gain more benefit from the critical raw materials it has – like lithium – which are in growing demand for the clean energy transition.

IBRAM, Brazil’s mining industry association, said in a statement that the legal reform would “allow Brazil to unlock infrastructure investments, as well as advance as a global player in mineral production and exports, within a net-zero scenario and as a leader in the energy transition agenda”. Representatives of the agribusiness, energy and infrastructure sectors have also publicly supported the bill with similar arguments.

But opposition is mounting, with scientific organisations, environmental NGOs, Indigenous associations, and some of Brazil’s most influential artists – including popstar Anitta – speaking out against what many are calling “the devastation bill”.

“Reducing environmental protection mechanisms will condemn Brazil and its future generations to an even more critical scenario of lost resilience and missed opportunities for sustainable development,” the Brazilian Society for the Advancement of Science (SBPC) warned in a letter sent to lawmakers on July 14.

Separately, a report published this month by Brazilian researchers from the University of São Paulo and the Federal University of Ouro Preto suggested faster licensing could “cause significant environmental degradation”, exposing projects to sanctions, investigations and legal action.

What is the “devastation bill”?

The bill, approved by the Senate in May and then by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies last Thursday night, dismantles key protections built into the federal environmental licensing system. It replaces the current three-step process with a simple self-declaratory document for infrastructure and farming projects classified as low or medium impact.

The bill was approved with a large majority (267 votes in favour and 116 against), and was championed by a powerful rural caucus, the largest bloc in Congress. Brazil’s agribusiness bloc supports large-scale farming and often opposes environmental protections and Indigenous rights. Many in the sector backed former far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, with some investigated after he lost the 2022 election for possibly funding activities related to an alleged coup plot.

Another significant change under the draft bill is that states, not Ibama – Brazil’s environmental agency – would license most projects, sidelining the country’s most experienced environmental regulator. Experts fear this could create competition among states for the most flexible licensing rules. Each state will now decide for itself what projects qualify as low, medium, or high environmental impact.

The bill had languished in Congress for 21 years until recently when the agribusiness bloc gained lawmaking power – and one of its most consequential provisions was introduced just two months ago by the Senate president, Davi Alcolumbre, from Amapá state.

President of the Federal Senate Davi Alcolumbre and President of the Chamber of Deputies Hugo Motta attend a press conference after meeting with Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva at the Alvorada Palace in Brasilia, Brazil June 3, 2025. REUTERS/Adriano Machado

A strong advocate of oil exploration at the mouth of the Amazon River, Alcolumbre created a “Special Environmental Licence”, a single document granting full authorisation for public projects deemed a government priority – like roads or oil drilling by state firm Petrobras – even if they risk major environmental damage. It would unlikely apply to the recently auctioned oil and gas exploration blocks in the Amazon as they were sold off to private companies.

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva still has the power to veto the bill, and many expect he will do so in an attempt to protect his international image from a green backlash. He is expected to either veto or sign the bill within the next two weeks.

But in Brasília, it is widely expected that Congress would override any presidential veto, given the overwhelming support the bill enjoys. If this happens, environmental groups and lawmakers could then challenge the bill in Brazil’s Supreme Court, arguing it is unconstitutional.

Risk to Brazil’s international reputation

Even as the agribusiness sector fears the fallout from the 50% tariffs US President Donald Trump plans to impose on Brazilian exports from August, its political representatives have reignited tensions with the European market by backing the new bill.

European Parliament member Anna Cavazzini said it would “undermine Brazil’s leading role in the fight against climate change, right before it hosts the international climate conference in Belém, in Pará state.”

In a statement sent to Brazilian media, green MEP Cavazzini added that the European Union’s anti-deforestation legislation – which requires commodity traders to certify their products as deforestation-free – could become “more important than ever before”.

In an interview with Climate Home News, constitutional lawyer and former federal deputy Fábio Feldmann said the Brazilian bill dismantling national regulations goes against the global financial trend of requiring stronger environmental safeguards for infrastructure projects.

“International conventions require environmental assessments as conditions for most loans from multilateral agencies. This won’t be undone by the new law. Who will fund infrastructure that doesn’t meet international standards?” asked Feldmann, author of Brazil’s first environmental licensing law.

Eric Pedersen, head of responsible investments at Nordea Asset Management, told Climate Home he had reduced holdings of Brazil’s sovereign debt due to environmental concerns – and warned the new bill could affect other international investors.

“Should this law actually take effect, the weight of having to prove their sustainability credentials will be much heavier on Brazilian companies, and investment into the country could suffer,” Pedersen said.

UN climate negotiations in Bonn in June did not bring the progress that is needed to stop the climate emergency and take the devastating impact on workers and their families into account. As a sign of hope, climate negotiators could agree on a text to start discussions on a Just Transition Mechanism at COP30 conference in Brazil later this year. Trade unions will step-up their campaign together with social movements to make governments accountable and deliver climate solutions that make a difference.

The global trade union movement is looking forward to COP30 in Brazil with a lot of hope and high expectations. At the preparatory conference SB62 in June in Bonn, the Brazilian government presented their plans. The result of two weeks of negotiations is disappointing. There is no agreement on the Just Transition mechanism that trade unions and social movements are asking for.

Boitumelo Molete from the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) has participated in the negotiations since 2021at COP26 in Glasgow. According to her, “the majority of the climate negotiators are completely disconnected from the realities of the workers due to the climate emergency. Our members get sick and lose income during heat waves while they have only limited access to health care protection and other social protection measures. Especially women are hit very hard by this. The recent floods in the Eastern Cape displaced families and destroyed homes. Yet, no loss and damage mechanisms are in place to support recovery. Communities are left to fend for themselves, with no resources, no protection, and no recourse. This cannot be what climate response and action is. We are witnessing the triple crisis of poverty, inequality and unemployment is deepening. Youth unemployment stands at over 60%, yet there are no accessible pathways for education, training, reskilling or re-employment. Promises are made; however, there is no infrastructure, no access, and no urgency to support those being left behind.”

Climate negotiators in Bonn discussed how countries can step up the social dimension of climate change. Trade union representatives such as Boitumelo Molete see a direct and positive connection between providing better jobs, better social protection, training and skills to deliver the ambitious climate policies that are needed to reach the goals of the Paris Agreement. “Trade unions are the official representatives of the workers and they need a place at the table to negotiate agreements through social dialogue and collective bargaining. Meaningful social dialogue should take place at the company level, in the sectors and at the national and international level. In South Africa we have the National Economic Development and Labour Council Nedlac that is the vehicle by which Government, labour, business and community organisations seek to cooperate, through problem-solving and negotiation, on economic, labour and development issues. These institutions need to be made much stronger because they deliver social justice for the workers.”

The global trade union movement has concrete demands for governments to include these social dialogue practices in international climate negotiations. Governments at the UNFCCC need to decide on the establishment of a Just Transition Mechanism where they can share good practices and learn from each other. There is also a need for accountability. Boitumelo believes: “Every country should integrate the impact on workers and their communities of climate change and climate policies in the national climate plans and in the national consultation mechanisms. Countries should report about this at the UNFCCC. Workers and their unions should also get a formal seat at the table about these issues at the UNFCCC. Nothing about us without us!”

At the climate conference in Bonn there was a strong demand from developing countries to put ‘trade-restrictive unilateral measures’ on the agenda. The countries from the Global South demand the right to industrial development and see some climate measures from the developed countries as protectionist trade measures. This is also confirmed by Boitumelo: “We need a fair chance for industrial development to bring prosperity to our people. With unemployment and poverty still rampant it is unacceptable that our countries do not get access to technology and finance for genuine development that effectively deals with poverty.”

At the end of two weeks of negotiations in Bonn there was agreement on a text to start discussions in Belém at the end of the year in Brazil. While this text still leaves all the options open, it is an important step forward. The global trade union movement will organize and mobilize together with social movements to have workers on top of the agenda in Belém. To conclude, Boitumelo Molete demands: “We want an agreement on a Just Transition Work Programme that delivers for workers, their families and communities. A Just Transition is not a slogan; it must be a lived reality, grounded in fairness, consultation, and equity. We, the workers on the frontline, demand a real Just Transition. Amandla!”

NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday laid out an ambitious roadmap for India’s upcoming chairmanship of the BRICS grouping, pledging to reshape the bloc’s agenda with a renewed focus on resilience, innovation, and sustainability, while continuing to champion the voice of the Global South.

“Under India’s BRICS Chairmanship, we will define BRICS in a new form. BRICS would mean ‘Building Resilience and Innovation for Cooperation and Sustainability’,” Modi said, addressing fellow leaders at the 17th BRICS meet in Brazil.

He affirmed that India’s leadership of the group, which includes among others Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, would build on the inclusive and people-first approach that defined its presidency of the G20 in 2023.

“Just as during our G20 Presidency, we ensured inclusivity and prioritized issues of the Global South, in the same way, during our BRICS Chairmanship, we will take this forum forward with a people-centric approach and the spirit of Humanity First,” Modi said.

He stressed on future-oriented vision for BRICS anchored in multilateral reform, sustainable development, tech equity, and global cooperation. Speaking at the session on Environment, COP30, and Global Health, he emphasised that climate action for India is rooted in ancient tradition and moral obligation.

“For us, climate change is not merely an issue of energy; it is about maintaining balance between life and nature,” Modi said. Despite being the world’s fastest-growing major economy, he noted, India was the first to meet its Paris climate targets ahead of schedule. However, he warned that without affordable financing and technology transfer, “climate action will otherwise remain confined merely to climate talks.”

Calling the COVID-19 pandemic a sobering reminder of shared vulnerability, he added, “Viruses do not arrive with visas, nor are solutions chosen based on passports.” Modi urged BRICS nations to deepen cooperation on global health.

On economic and institutional reform, Modi welcomed Brazil’s emphasis on reworking the international financial system and stressed the need for the BRICS New Development Bank to support development through demand-driven, sustainable, and transparent financing.