A spokesperson for Ribera called the accusations “absurd,” arguing the Spanish politician only worked to improve the bill and has repeatedly urged firms to stop buying Russian energy while consistently promoting policies aiming to phase out all fossil fuels.

“We have been helping to craft a sound and legally robust proposal and helping to address others’ concerns, such as those expressed by member states that have no operational alternative than the pipeline coming from Russia or [that need a solution] in case of unexpected disruptions,” a spokesperson for Ribera said.

But according to three EU officials and two EU diplomats, all of whom were granted anonymity to speak freely, Ribera repeatedly intervened as her colleagues in the EU’s executive branch drafted the strategy in recent months.

“For five weeks, Ribera was saying no good assessment had been done and the risk of getting sued by the Russians was high,” one of the officials said, arguing the Spanish politician “used her cluster role” as Commission executive vice president to try and weaken the plans.

During that time, Ribera lobbied the inner circle of EU energy chief Dan Jørgensen, who is in charge of the strategy and technically works under her, the official alleged, but his “Cabinet remained solid” and refused to budge on the overall plan.

Ultimately, though, the effort culminated in a last-minute amendment to the text, which theoretically allows the Commission to suspend the gas ban if a country’s security of supply is under threat, two of the officials said. That push was also backed by the EU’s historically more Moscow-friendly countries of Austria, Hungary and Slovakia.

“I doubt the Trump administration will take kindly to the establishment of an AIIB hub in London given the pressure it has already put on the U.K. to align with the U.S. against China on trade issues,” said William Matthews, a senior research fellow at Chatham House specializing in China.

AIIB firmly disputes characterizations that it is a vehicle for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s state-run global infrastructure and investment scheme. BRI is modeled on the old “Silk Road” as part of a push to establish trade routes between Asia, Europe and Africa, but critics see it as a tool to advance Beijing’s foreign policy objectives.

A spokesperson for the bank acknowledged “some of [its] projects may happen to be identified by our clients as projects related to BRI — but first and foremost those projects were presented to us for financing by our clients, not by the Chinese government.”

Why London?

The AIIB’s London hub is expected to open before the end of the year, staffed up with five to 10 employees as the bank hunts for private investors to support its global lending projects, the two people granted anonymity to discuss the project said.

London’s banking and asset management credentials, deep pools of capital, and time zone between North America and Asia makes it a bridge between investors in the West and the East, both people said.

London won out against other contender cities in Europe like Frankfurt, Luxembourg and Paris because it is “closer tied into financial markets” and other key time zones, the second person said.

Denmark intensifies pressure on Budapest amid growing tensions over Ukraine and EU values.

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Denmark is ramping up pressure on Hungary by calling for the continuation of Article 7 proceedings—one of the EU’s most serious legal mechanisms—to address what it sees as ongoing violations of the bloc’s fundamental principles.

Danish Minister for European Affairs Marie Bjerre made the comments on Monday during a visit by the European Commission to Aarhus, where Denmark has taken over the rotating presidency of the EU Council.

“We continue to see a violation of fundamental values,” Bjerre told reporters. “That is why we will continue the Article 7 procedure and the hearing on Hungary,” she said, according to Politico.

The “Nuclear Option” on the Table

Article 7 of the EU treaty allows for sanctions, including the suspension of a member state’s voting rights, if it is found to be in serious breach of the bloc’s values.

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While the procedure has been triggered before—most notably against Hungary and Poland—no country has yet faced actual penalties.

Now, Denmark says it is determined to explore the full range of legal tools available, including this so-called “nuclear option.”

Bjerre also signaled that Denmark supports the idea of conditioning EU funding on compliance with EU laws, an idea that has gained traction in Brussels in recent years.

Ukraine’s Stalled EU Accession a Key Concern

Denmark’s concerns go beyond rule-of-law issues. Bjerre specifically criticized Hungary’s ongoing blockade of Ukraine’s EU accession process.

Budapest has consistently opposed further steps in Ukraine’s membership path, citing a range of objections.

In response, Denmark is “willing to explore all political and practical solutions to move forward,” Bjerre said.

One possible step would be to strip Hungary of its voting rights in EU policy decisions—including on enlargement—if Article 7 proceedings are advanced. This would effectively neutralize Hungary’s ability to veto Ukraine’s bid for membership.

European Unity Put to the Test

Despite Denmark’s strong position, significant hurdles remain. Advancing Article 7 would require broad support, particularly from key players like France and Germany.

So far, that backing has not materialized.

Meanwhile, with Hungary continuing to block Ukraine’s bid, speculation has emerged that the European Commission could proceed with Moldova’s EU membership process separately.

Both countries have so far advanced in parallel, and any move to split them could stir controversy.

Denmark, however, says it is not ready to decouple the two bids.

“Our goal is still to open the first group together with Moldova and Ukraine,” Bjerre stated.

Bjerre said the bloc should also look into restricting access to EU funds for countries that violate European law.

Another major issue for Denmark: EU enlargement. The minister called out Hungary’s ongoing blockade of Ukraine’s membership in the European Union, saying Denmark was “willing to look at all political and practical solutions for us to move forward.”

If EU countries decide to escalate their ongoing Article 7 procedure, they could strip Hungary of its voting rights on aspects of European policy such as enlargement, removing Budapest’s ability to veto Ukraine’s membership. However, diplomats caution that moving ahead requires at least full-throated support from Paris and Berlin to rally the rest of the bloc — support that so far has been lacking.

With Hungary still dead set against Ukraine’s membership, there is speculation that the European Commission could decide to move ahead with Moldova’s membership bid by formally opening a negotiation “cluster” in the coming days. Moldova and Ukraine have been moving in lockstep toward EU membership, so uncoupling them would be controversial.

But Bjerre said Denmark isn’t ready to split the two membership bids: “It is still our goal to open cluster one together with Moldova and Ukraine,” she said.

But the focus has shifted from safety to catching up with American and Chinese companies leading the AI race, and the EU’s prized AI rulebook is at strong risk of being tweaked as part of a push in Brussels to simplify laws and reduce requirements on businesses.

While digital rights campaigners warn the change of heart could see technological catastrophe come true, industry is also conflicted about the indecision.

“If you actually want to impose something, impose it, if you want to stop the clock, let’s stop the clock,” said Tomasz Snażyk, CEO of the Polish business group AI Chamber. “People want to be very certain of what is going on.”

Dutch Greens’ lawmaker Kim van Sparrentak, who is an advocate of simply enforcing the laws that she herself helped negotiate, warned about the potential brake on the adoption of technology at a time when only 13 percent of companies in Europe are estimated to properly use AI.

The European Union’s rules to rein in artificial intelligence risks are barely a year old but they’ve already fallen out of favor. | Ronald Wittek/EPA

“As long as we don’t have an AI Act that is being enforced, we keep systems on the market of which you don’t know whether these function well or [if] these are safe. That to me is essential if we want to ensure that a lot of companies start using AI,” said van Sparrentak.

That’s in contrast to the Big Tech industry backed by the U.S. government, which argues a delay — at a minimum — is vital to give the industry the time it needs to comply.