Did you know that the ocean produces approximately half of the world’s oxygen ? Or that key medicines have come from ocean discoveries, like a painkiller found in a sea snail ?

It’s all true! And so is this fact: Scientists know more about space than Earth’s ocean. Seriously, humans haven’t seen 99.999% of the deep sea floor.

With this comic, we explore some of the cool things scientists do know about the ocean and what dwells inside of it.

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

Angela Hsieh for NPR /

This comic was written and illustrated by Angela Hsieh, based on reporting from Berly McCoy. It was art directed by Emily Bogle and edited by Rebecca Ramirez.

Copyright 2025 NPR

Over the past two decades, it’s become a tradition for each president to craft their own speech to welcome new citizens.

These video messages, played at naturalization ceremonies nationwide, are brief but experts in presidential rhetoric say they are important — not only are they meaningful to newly naturalized citizens, but they provide insight on how each president values immigration and their broader vision for the country.

President Trump, whose second term has been marked by his hard-line approach to immigration, released a new naturalization ceremony video last month.

“Today you receive one of the most priceless gifts ever granted by human hands. You become a citizen of the United States of America,” Trump said.

Trump went on to welcome new citizens into the “national family,” adding that they now have a responsibility to “fiercely guard” and preserve American culture, including the freedom of speech, religion and the right to bear arms.

” That fits into his larger narrative, but that’s not usually what you see at an American naturalization ceremony. It’s much more of a celebration and I’m not saying that Trump doesn’t celebrate those ideas, but it’s less celebratory than his predecessors,” said Jason Edwards, a communications professor at Bridgewater State University in Massachusetts who has studied presidential welcomes to new citizens.

Departure from past presidents’ remarks

Only a handful of presidents have delivered remarks at naturalization ceremonies, either through video or in person. That includes Gerald Ford, George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Joe Biden.

Edwards said most have centered their message on how immigrants enrich and renew the country, whereas Trump’s remarks emphasized what the U.S. has to offer new citizens.

“No matter where you come from, you now share a home and a heritage with some of the most exceptional heroes, legends and patriots to ever walk the face of the Earth,” Trump said in his speech.

” There’s no heterogeneity, there’s no celebration of diversity, there’s no celebration of past immigrants,” Edwards said.

A spokesman for the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, or USCIS, which released Trump’s video, said his message is “an essential one” and would be part of naturalization ceremonies moving forward.

That message: “U.S. citizenship is a privilege and reserved for those who respect our laws, culture, and history,” USCIS spokesman Matthew Tragesser said in a press release about the video.

In both his first and second term, Trump avoided using the word “immigrant” altogether in his video message congratulating new citizens. That also strayed from his predecessors, who often called the U.S. a nation of immigrants and acknowledged the journey that newcomers took to become American citizens.

Biden, for example, spoke about immigrants’ sacrifices and courage, adding that his own ancestors immigrated to the U.S. from Ireland.

“I don’t wanna say it’s an erasure, but it’s wanting to kind of erase that idea — you’re no longer an immigrant, you are a citizen,” Edwards said, referring to Trump’s remarks.

Instead, Trump shifted the focus to the idea of a “national family,” which often implies loyalty and obligation, according to Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, a political science professor at the University of North Texas.

Eshbaugh-Soha added that the emphasis on family and the explicit reference to the right to bear arms are consistent with traditional conservative values — which is also unusual for ceremonial speeches like naturalization events.

“That idea of American family is very much in line with this idea of America first,” he said.

Generally, Trump’s rhetoric on immigration has intensified during his second term, especially during his most recent presidential campaign, according to Jennifer Mercieca, a historian of American political rhetoric at Texas A&M University.

” The metaphors that he used about immigration, whether it was an invasion, whether immigrants were poisoning the blood of the nation and things like that,” Mercieca said. “Those are very salient ways of talking about immigration and very different from the ways that previous presidents have done.”

Copyright 2025 NPR

Inside a Gaza hospital: A British surgeon on what he’s witnessing firsthand

toggle caption Eyad Baba/AFP via Getty Images

Editor’s note: This conversation includes the sound of gunfire and graphic descriptions of violence against children and teenagers.

Dr. Nick Maynard has spent 15 years traveling from Oxford, England, to Gaza, mentoring young doctors and training surgeons. One of his former students, a Palestinian woman who later became a doctor in the U.K., is now considered part of his family.

But since the war between Israel and Gaza began in October 2023, Maynard’s mission has shifted. On his current trip, he is performing emergency surgeries under fire, treating malnourished children and helping care for trauma patients with catastrophic injuries.

Speaking to NPR from Nasser Hospital, the main medical facility in Khan Younis, Maynard describes a health system in collapse. Gunfire echoes just outside as he outlines what he says is a systematic effort by Israel to dismantle Gaza’s civilian infrastructure: hospitals stripped of supplies, infants dying from hunger and children shot while trying to reach food.

Sponsor Message

The gunshots, he says, are not random.

“They’re particularly common in young male teenagers, usually sort of [ages] 11, 12, 13, 14, who are being shot at the food distribution points. And we’ve seen that very frequently over the last few weeks that I’ve been there,” he told Morning Edition.

The Israeli military denies intentionally targeting civilians. But aid groups and health officials report that these deadly encounters have become common, especially since May, as starvation deepens across the Gaza Strip and food lines increasingly bring civilians into direct contact with Israeli troops.

Following our conversation, NPR asked the IDF for comment. The IDF responded that it “categorically rejects the claims of intentional harm to individuals, and that binding orders prohibit forces from intentionally firing at minors, and casualties at aid distribution sites are under examination.”

Maynard says he and other doctors have observed clusters of similar injuries – head wounds one day, abdominal wounds the next – raising questions about the intent behind the shootings. “This is beyond coincidence,” he said.

“The clustering of symptoms is what makes it so dramatic. And it is something that we at all levels – ER doctors, general surgeons, urology surgeons, neurosurgeons – have all recognized this clustering of injuries.”

The U.K.-based surgeon says most of his patients are severely malnourished, making it far harder for them to recover, even from injuries that would normally be survivable.

Sponsor Message

He believes the destruction is not collateral, but calculated.

“I think what we’re witnessing is a very deliberate plan to erase the Gaza population from this land,” he told NPR.

NPR sought comment from the Israel Defense Forces on what the doctor describes as “a deliberate destruction of the whole infrastructure of living in Gaza, with the very clear aim of ethnic cleansing.” The IDF referred the inquiry to the Israeli government, which then referred NPR back to the IDF.

This conversation is edited for length and clarity.

Interview highlights

Sacha Pfeiffer: What can you tell us about access to food based on what you’ve seen there?

Dr. Nick Maynard: Access to food is extremely difficult. There were many, many food outlets where food was distributed by UNRWA until several months ago, and the so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Food distribution sites are full of them in Gaza. And it is nothing like enough to provide food for the Gaza population to create chaos and rioting.

Pfeiffer: The shooting that we heard earlier that’s happening so close to your hospital, are we hearing fighting? Are we hearing defense? What is happening that is so audible in the background?

Maynard: This is through fighting almost certainly between gangs or families who are fighting over food. We’ve seen this on several occasions. This is not the Israeli military and it’s not Hamas, we’re told very reliably. It’s fighting gangs or fighting families who are trying to get food and this is borne out of desperation for food because they are all starving.

Pfeiffer: Did you see that in your last two trips as well, or has it gotten worse each time you’ve come?

Maynard: It’s got much worse. Each time I’ve come, I saw the signs of malnutrition on both my previous trips on December 23, January 24, and then later that year. But the malnutrition now is much, much worse.

Sponsor Message

Pfeiffer: Would you give us more of a picture of what you’re seeing in your hospital, on your operating table? What kind of volume of people? What kind of people? What kind of injuries?

Maynard: The Israelis are commonly using these fragmentation bombs, which release many, many thousands of very small metal pieces, which then tear through the body. I’m operating predominantly on abdominal injuries and some thoracic injuries. And the shrapnel causes the most appalling internal damage, destroying many of the internal organs. So needing very major surgery to repair them. And we’re seeing a particular pattern of injuries whereby particular body parts are being targeted on particular days. So one day we will see mainly abdominal gunshot wounds. Another day we’ll see head gunshot wounds, another day we’ll see neck gunshot wounds. So there is a very clear pattern that all not just me, but all of us have seen in this hospital whereby particular body parts are targeted on particular days

Pfeiffer: I mean, that’s clearly a shocking claim. You don’t think that’s possibly just a coincidence that you’re seeing certain body parts injured on certain days?

Maynard: I think seeing four young teenagers come in in the space of one hour with gunshot wounds to their testicles, which we have never seen before, is beyond coincidence. Seeing as one of my ER doctors did, seeing 12 or more patient young teenagers coming in with gunshot wounds, the head and neck, all at the same time. It’s beyond coincidence. The clustering of symptoms is what makes it so dramatic. And it is something that we at all levels E.R. Doctors, general surgeons, urology surgeons, neurosurgeons have all recognized this clustering of injuries.

Pfeiffer: Dr. Maynard, I’ve read that you have described what’s happening, in your words, as the collective punishment of the population of Gaza. What do you think is the end goal?

Sponsor Message

Maynard: I think what we’re witnessing is a very deliberate plan to erase the Gaza population from this land. I do not believe for a minute this is just about destroying Hamas. They are deliberately killing many, many, many thousands of innocent civilians by their withholding of aid and medicines and food. They are destroying the whole infrastructure of living here, they are destroying all the hospitals. It’s not just bombing the hospitals. They’re going in and dismantling all the laboratories, dismantling all the dialysis machines. They’ve destroyed the agricultural system. They’ve destroyed the fishing industry. They’re targeting the water sanitation plants. So there’s no doubt in my mind what we are witnessing is a deliberate destruction of the whole infrastructure of living in Gaza with the very clear aim of ethnic cleansing and getting the whole population out of this land.

Pfeiffer: This is obviously very difficult work to do in a whole range of ways. Why do you keep going back?

Maynard: I’ve been coming to Gaza since 2010. I love the country. I’ve made many friends and people I’ve considered family. I think what is being done to them is so unjust, terribly wrong and unjust. And I’m ashamed that my government, your government are complicit in this. And I have the ability to give help and therefore feel this overpowering need to come out here and help as much as I can.

Kaity Kline produced the radio version of this interview.

GAZIANTEP, Turkey — After more than a decade in exile, Syrians around the world are asking themselves a once unthinkable question: Is it finally time to go home?

When the civil war broke out in 2011, millions fled Syria. No country took in more refugees than neighboring Turkey, which opened its doors to nearly 3 million Syrians, according to the U.N. refugee agency.

But that welcome has in some cases worn thin. In recent years, many Syrians say they’ve felt increasingly cast out of Turkish society — blamed for the country’s economic troubles and treated as scapegoats in political discourse.

Still, many stayed. Some wanted to remain close to home. Others believed their exile would be short.

A few weeks of waiting became months. Then years. At a certain point, the idea of returning began to feel impossible.

That changed in December 2024, when President Bashar al-Assad fell from power: After 24 years, his regime collapsed in a matter of days. The door to a new era creaked open.

Now, with a transitional government in place, hope is stirring — but so is fear. More than half a million Syrians have returned, according to the U.N. refugee agency. But going back requires a leap of faith.

Sectarian violence has flared in recent months. Sanctions are starting to lift, reconnecting Syria with the international economy, but roads, railways and homes remain in ruins. Years of conflict have decimated basic services. Electricity and water are still unreliable in many areas. And doubts persist about Syria’s interim leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, who was once linked to al-Qaida.

So how are Syrians weighing the risks of return? Can home ever truly be home again after such devastation — after friends and family have been tortured or killed, after childhood homes were looted or destroyed?

NPR spoke with four Syrians and their families in southern Turkey, each standing at a crossroads.

After leaving one life behind, are they prepared to do it all over again?

Rebecca Rosman for NPR / Adham Aljamous’s childhood photos from Syria, the only physical memories he has of his past.

Adham Aljamous, 32. “Your dreams are just dreams.”

An economics student, 32-year-old Adham Aljamous speaks more like a poet.

“Even the things you hate,” he says, “once you’re forced to leave your home — you start to love and miss.”

From the rooftop he shares with his parents in Gaziantep, a city in southeastern Turkey near the Syrian border, Aljamous leafs through a plastic bag of old family photos — one of the few things his family carried when they fled Syria in 2014.

The images capture golden afternoons and family gatherings overflowing with food — the kind of memories, he says, that only grew sweeter in exile.

The family came to Turkey after his older brother Tamam, who ran a humanitarian group in Syria’s capital of Damascus, was targeted by the Assad regime. The family thought they’d be gone for a few weeks. That was 11 years ago.

Aljamous still has another year of school before finishing his master’s at a university in Gaziantep.

But he says the question he once asked — will I ever return? — has shifted. Now it’s how, and at what cost?

“When the circumstances are suitable,” he says, “there will be a return to homeland. Inshallah,” God willing.

But suitable is a high bar. Cities are shattered. Infrastructure is unreliable. And while the United States and Europe are lifting most sanctions on Syria, the economy is a disaster.

It’s still unclear what kind of leader Sharaa will shape up to be in the coming months, and years.

None of that deters Aljamous.

“When the regime was in control,” he says of the former authoritarian Assad government, “I would have followed the devil if it meant overthrowing them. They were worse than the devil.”

He’s ready to give Sharaa a chance.

But when asked about specifics, he admits he doesn’t have any set plans yet for his return.

He looks down at his feet, and quietly reveals his biggest fear — going back to a country he barely recognizes.

“Sometimes, I just sit and try to think who’s left [in Syria] — literally no one from my friends. I don’t know anyone there. So if I go back, I think it’s going to be a big problem for me,” he says.

“Your dreams are just dreams.”

Rebecca Rosman for NPR / Bushra Ajaj and Hasan Ajam in their living room in Gaziantep, Turkey, with the new Syrian flag hanging behind them. The couple met in 2014 while protesting against the Assad regime in Syria.

Bushra and Hasan. Surviving the revolution, but living with ghosts

In a different corner of Gaziantep, a couple is navigating similar questions, with memories shaped by war, and a relationship forged in the fight against it.

Bushra Ajaj and Hasan Ajam, both 35, met in the early days of the uprising.

She was a university student organizing protests. He was part of the same underground network. They shared a mission and, eventually, a life.

“We met through the revolution,” Ajaj says, smiling. “We survived it together.”

Today, they live in Gaziantep with their two young children. The new Syrian flag hangs in their living room — a symbol of both pride and pain.

Both were arrested for their activism. Both lost friends and family. They fled Syria more than a decade ago, and have each returned briefly since Assad’s fall.

Neither one recognized the country they left.

“I visited Syria twice,” Ajam says. “But I haven’t stepped inside my old house.”

Today, Ajam works with the Caesar Families Association, a group seeking justice for those who disappeared in regime prisons in Syria. The group is named after a forensic photographer, known by the pseudonym Caesar, who smuggled out more than 55,000 photos documenting torture and death before fleeing to the U.S. in 2013.

Five years ago, Ajam identified his brother’s body in one of those photos — confirmation of what his family had long feared. Now, he’s determined to return to Syria to find the place where his brother was buried.

For Bushra Ajaj, returning in April meant facing ghosts of her own. Her family home was in ruins. But what shattered her most was seeing her university again — the site of so many protests, and of her best friend’s death

“I cried so much,” she says. “The memories just came back.”

Their children, born in Turkey, speak Turkish more fluently than Arabic.

“Sometimes I think it’s good,” Ajaj says. “They feel at home here.” But the thought of moving to Syria raises new fears. “What if they feel like strangers there?”

If they ever go back for good, Ajaj hopes it won’t be to her tiny, damaged village. Maybe it would be the city of Aleppo, in northwestern Syria. Maybe somewhere new. Somewhere they can build fresh memories.

Rebecca Rosman for NPR / Ahmad al-Taleb, 33, plans to move to Aleppo with his wife and 3-year-old when his lease in Gaziantep runs out in October.

Ahmad al-Taleb: Betting everything on Aleppo

One man who’s already made his decision is Ahmad al-Taleb.

A 33-year-old civil engineer — and part-time party clown — from Aleppo, Taleb fled Syria in 2014 after ISIS took over his city.

At the time, he was documenting human rights violations, work that put him and his family at risk. His brother was arrested. Taleb fled to Turkey.

Since then, he’s built a life in Gaziantep — studied, married, launched a company, and became a father.

But in October, when his lease is up, he and his wife Sahar, along with their 3-year-old son Kamal, will pack their things and return to Aleppo for good.

“I feel much safer now,” Taleb says, sipping juice made from oranges his mother picked in Latakia, along Syria’s Mediterranean coast. “I’m afraid, of course. But I’m also optimistic. It’s time to rebuild.”

Taleb is under no illusions. Aleppo is still in ruins. Rents are soaring. Services are patchy.

Sahar, who never finished university, hopes to resume her studies, but there’s no guarantee she’ll be able to.

“Still,” Taleb says, “we belong to Syria. Turkey is our second home, but it’s not where we belong.”

He remembers the euphoria of Assad’s fall last year, which he and Sahar watched unfold from their couch into the early hours of the night. Feeling restless watching the celebrations unfold in Damascus on their TV screen, Taleb got in his car and drove straight to the capital city.

When he got there, he was overcome with a mix of jubilation and agony.

Memories came flooding back of the massacres he documented. Friends lost. Airstrikes he saw kill innocent women and children.

“It was a mix of feelings. Victory and grief.”

Armed with a big smile, Taleb says he’s keeping a positive mind about the future. He believes in the promise of the transitional government, and in his role as a civil engineer in rebuilding Syria.

“I just hope my son never asks me, ‘Why did you take us back?'” he says. “But if he grows up where he belongs, maybe one day he’ll understand.”

Rebecca Rosman for NPR / Mohammed Jamil Alshammary is eager to set up his own translation business in Damascus, but his children — all born and raised in Gaziantep — call Turkey home.

Mohammed Jamil Alshammary. Home is calling — but is his family ready?

On the eve of a trip to Damascus, Mohammed Jamil Alshammary is practically giddy — reciting couplets aloud.

“Like up high in the glorious skies, my angel’s heart shyly lies. To her so sweet, celestial sound brought me down to the ground.”

At 44, Alshammary is a seasoned interpreter and literature buff who’s worked in boardrooms from Geneva to Paris, translating for presidents and humanitarian leaders alike.

He quotes the linguist Noam Chomsky, references the movie The Hours, and casually drops George Michael lyrics into the conversation.

Despite job offers in Canada and Europe, he chose to stay in Turkey for the past 15 years for his family.

“My wife didn’t want our daughters raised in a foreign culture,” he says. “Turkey felt closer to home.”

Now, Alshammary says he’s ready to help rebuild Syria, albeit cautiously.

“Security first. Then economy,” he says. “Even if I were paid $1,000 a day in Damascus — if it’s not safe, I won’t bring my family there.”

Alshammary knows the challenges that await him. Rents in Damascus have skyrocketed because of housing shortages. His children, fluent in Turkish, risk cultural displacement if they return.

“I’m middle class,” he says. “What about the rest? Most Syrians can’t afford rent or tuition.”

Still, he says he’s ready to bring one foot back into Syria, where he hopes to open a translation agency in Damascus.

“We must not clone the past,” he says. “No more corruption. No more exclusion.”

This story was supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center.

Mahmoud Al Basha contributed reporting from Gaziantep, Turkey.

Copyright 2025 NPR

SACHA PFEIFFER, HOST:

At President Trump’s direction, the Justice Department is asking a court to release grand jury information related to the convicted sex offender. He was connected to many famous people before his death in prison. The Trump administration once encouraged conspiracy theories about an Epstein cover-up. Now some of Trump’s core supporters say they’re furious that his administration says it has no more relevant information. Photos, video and Trump’s own statements show he was friends with Epstein many years ago.

STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:

The president has tried to quiet the criticism and even sued The Wall Street Journal over a story last week. The topic still dominated news shows on Sunday. Democratic Senator Amy Klobuchar was on CNN’s “State Of The Union.”

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, “STATE OF THE UNION”)

AMY KLOBUCHAR: To me, as a former prosecutor, there are times when you release things for the good of the country. This is one of those times. And you don’t go and say, oh, we’re just going to see if a judge will let us do part of the evidence, part of the files that are over here in this grand jury proceeding after dissing judges forever.

PFEIFFER: Republican Congressman Tim Burchett of Tennessee is among those demanding more information about Epstein. He was also on CNN, and he praised the president for a first step.

(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, “STATE OF THE UNION”)

TIM BURCHETT: The American public’s all pointing the finger, trying to play politics with this thing, and it’s not accurate. I applaud the president for wanting to release those files. I think it’s a good start. I think we – you know, they keep saying he talked about it repeatedly, and that’s just not accurate.

INSKEEP: On Fox News Sunday, former Epstein attorney Alan Dershowitz said the grand jury transcripts alone are unlikely to satisfy Trump’s supporters.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

ALAN DERSHOWITZ: Grand jury information is narrowly tailored by prosecutors only to provide sufficient evidence to result in an indictment.

PFEIFFER: The people closely following this include Sarah Isgur. She’s a senior editor with The Dispatch and a former Justice Department spokesperson in the first Trump administration. Sarah, welcome back to the program.

SARAH ISGUR: Thanks for having me.

PFEIFFER: Sarah, we’ve heard from many corners that even if the grand jury transcripts are released, they may be unsatisfying. The transcripts aren’t meant to be comprehensive. How much do you think it’s likely that they could be revelatory in a way that satisfies either Trump’s supporters or opponents?

ISGUR: Well, I think they’re very unlikely to satisfy the people who want some bombshell here, right? I think if that existed, we would’ve already heard about it, potentially even leaks. But I also think it’s very unlikely that anyone’s going to see those grand jury materials. Criminal rule of procedure 6(e) has that they are under seal. Now, there are exceptions to that. The Department of Justice has obviously asked for them to be released. However, the exceptions are all related to official business, not simply, boy, it would be really nice for some people on the internet.

PFEIFFER: There’s a former assistant U.S. attorney in Manhattan who has said that by calling for the release of this testimony, quote, “the president is trying to present himself as if he’s doing something here, and it is really nothing.” Is it nothing or is it something to ask for transcripts to be released?

ISGUR: Well, in this case, knowing how unlikely it is that they will be released, it’s really a win-win for the administration. They get to say they asked, and then they get to blame someone else when they’re not released. We’ve seen this over and over again, frankly, from administrations in both parties, where they use the judiciary as a foil to say, ah, we really wanted to do this thing through executive order or, in this case, grand jury transcripts, but those pesky judges stop us. Blame them.

PFEIFFER: There is a Republican representative in Kentucky, Thomas Massie. He’s pushing for a procedural tactic called a discharge petition to force a House vote on releasing files related to Epstein. What do you make of that tactic and how effective it may be? More files than the grand jury testimony.

ISGUR: It puts Republicans in Congress in a terrible position, which Massie, of course, and Republican leadership know. Republicans in Congress, again and again, have borne the brunt of voters’ disappointments with Trump – Trump Teflon Don. But Republicans often get blamed when Trump doesn’t fulfill some promise. So here, you’re really dividing the Republican caucus deciding whether they try to release something. Is there anything there? Trump doesn’t want them to. It’s a tough spot. And I think you have the White House making some behind-the-scenes calls as well.

PFEIFFER: This issue is making the rounds of cable TV. A lot of right-wing influencers have hopped on board in a way in which they’re actually critical of the president and for, for many of them, the first time. I don’t have a good gauge of whether the public thinks this is an important issue in a way that could turn President Trump’s supporters against him. Do you have any gauge of that?

ISGUR: It’s a good question because this is where polling, I think, can really let us down. People will answer the poll, but, like, how important is it to them? Is this actually changing votes? How many people is this a core issue for? And I think the answer to that is it – for very few people, is it a core issue? However, when you think about the sort of moment that the Biden administration couldn’t recover from, it was the withdrawal from Afghanistan because a core part of Biden’s message was competence. Well, it all seemed incompetent. Here, a core part of Trump’s message is, you know, I do these things for my base. I always come through. Is this going to be the moment where they say, ah, you’ve betrayed us on a core piece of why you were elected?

PFEIFFER: So for Democrats who hope this as an opportunity to hurt Trump, do you think it actually poses that potential?

ISGUR: Yes. And we certainly see Democrats trying to do that and making the most of it. You know, it was Republicans, you know, trying to keep Epstein in the news. Now it’s Democrats doing so. So they certainly see a political advantage here. Whether it will be the thing, unlikely. But whether it can be that first step on the path, maybe.

PFEIFFER: That’s Sarah Isgur. She’s a senior editor with The Dispatch. Thank you.

ISGUR: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.