
Sports Fans Saddened By Barron Trump’s Announcement
How did your country report this? Share your view in the comments.
Diverging Reports Breakdown
Defense Minister Katz pushes bill improving IDF soldiers’ conditions
The vote will be held in the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, chaired by MK Yuli Edelstein. The bill seeks to improve the conditions of regular, career, and reserve soldiers, as well as retirees and their families. The vote comes just as the Knesseset’s two haredi (ultra-Orthodox) parties departed due to clashes over the haredic draft bill.
The Knesset will hold a vote on a bill to improve the service conditions of IDF soldiers, Defense MinisterIsrael Katz wrote on X/Twitter on Sunday night.
The vote will be held in the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, chaired by MK Yuli Edelstein, and seeks to improve the conditions of regular, career, and reserve soldiers, as well as retirees and their families.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
“I expect all Knesset members to support the law without any distinction or political considerations and to demonstrate unity and support for the IDF,” he wrote.
The vote comes just as the Knesset’s two haredi (ultra-Orthodox) parties departed due to clashes over the haredi draft bill.
Gov’t collapses as haredi draft issue remains unsolved
“The government is collapsing for all the wrong reasons,” said opposition MK Naor Shiri (Yesh Atid) in a recent interview with The Media Line. “You’d expect a real moral reason, perhaps the cost of living or ending the war, but instead, it’s over preserving the rights of draft dodgers. That’s a first-rate moral distortion.”
Haredi men are seen protesting the effort to draft ultra-Orthodox Israelis into the IDF. (credit: FLASH90)
“I want, wanted, and will want one thing – to bring a real conscription law. Maybe not perfect in everyone’s eyes, but one that addresses the IDF’s needs, with a gradual draft of the ultra-Orthodox,” Edelstein said in an interview with Maariv on Friday.
“This is a serious law: personal and institutional sanctions, real numbers, and tight oversight. This law ends the phenomenon of pretending to study Torah. To me, that’s a disgrace to the world of Torah.”
The 2026 Senate map is tough for Democrats, but Republicans have their own headaches
Democrats still face an uphill battle. They needs to net four seats to retake the majority. Most of the 2026 contests are in states that Republican President Donald Trump easily won in November. Republicans stress that it remains early in the cycle and say there is plenty of time left for candidates to establish themselves and Donald Trump to wade in. A look at what is happening in some key Senate races:. A nasty primary in Texas that could jeopardize a seat Republicans have held for decades. In North Carolina and Georgia, the party lacks a clear field of candidates. In Michigan, all eyes are on former Rep. Mike Rogers, who came within 20,000 votes of ending a losing streak of ending Republicans’ 20-year winning streak in the state. In Georgia, a growing potential field includes Reps. Buddy Carter, Mike Collins and Rich McCormick, Insurance Commissioner John King and Derek Dooley, a former University of Tennessee football coach. The president’s daughter-in-law, Lara Trump, is mulling whether to run in her home state.
Democrats still face an uphill battle. They needs to net four seats to retake the majority, and most of the 2026 contests are in states that Republican President Donald Trump easily won in November.
But Democrats see reasons for hope in Republicans’ challenges. They include a nasty primary in Texas that could jeopardize a seat Republicans have held for decades. In North Carolina and Georgia, the party lacks a clear field of candidates. Trump’s influence dials up the uncertainty in several states as he decides whether to flex his influential endorsement to stave off intraparty fights.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Republicans stress that it remains early in the cycle and say there is plenty of time left for candidates to establish themselves and Donald Trump to wade in.
A look at what is happening in some key Senate races:
An ugly Texas brawl
Democrats have long dreamed of winning statewide office in this ruby red state. Could a nasty GOP primary be their ticket?
National Republicans and Senate strategists are worried that state Attorney General Ken Paxton, who is facing a bevy of personal and ethical questions, could beat Sen. John Cornyn for the nomination.
They fear Paxton would be a disastrous general election candidate, forcing Republicans to invest tens of millions of dollars they would rather spend elsewhere.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
But Cornyn has had a cool relationship with Trump over the years, while Paxton long has been a loyal Trump ally. And Paxton raised more than three times as much as Cornyn in the second quarter, $2.9 million compared with $804,000, according to Federal Elections Commission reports.
Rep. Wesley Hunt of Texas is also weighing a run.
Will Trump be persuaded to endorse or will he choose to steer clear?
Will North Carolina have a Trump on the ballot?
The surprise retirement announcement by two-term Sen. Thom Tillis has set off a frenzied search for a replacement in a state widely seen as Democrats’ top pickup opportunity. He had repeatedly clashed with Trump, including over Medicaid changes in the tax cut bill, leading the president to threaten to back a primary challenger.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
All eyes are now on Lara Trump, the president’s daughter-in-law, who is mulling whether to run in her home state as other potential candidates stand by.
Having a Trump on the ballot could boost a party that has struggled to motivate its most fervent base when Donald Trump is not running. But Lara Trump currently lives in Florida and has so far sounded muted on the prospect.
Others possible contenders include RNC chair Michael Whatley, who led North Carolina’s GOP before taking the national job, and first-term Reps. Pat Harrigan and Brad Knott.
Democrats are waiting on a decision from former two-term Gov. Roy Cooper, seen as a formidable candidate by both parties in a state Trump carried by just 3.2 percentage points last year.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
In Georgia, a pickup opportunity with no candidate yet
Republicans see Georgia and the seat held by Democrat Jon Ossoff as one of their top pickup opportunities next year. But the party remains in search of a well-known challenger after failing to persuade term-limited Gov. Brian Kemp to run.
A growing potential field includes Reps. Buddy Carter, Mike Collins and Rich McCormick, Insurance Commissioner John King and Derek Dooley, a former University of Tennessee football coach.
Ossoff took in more than $10 million in the second quarter of the year, according to FEC filings, after raising $11 million from January through March. He ended June with more than $15.5 million cash on hand.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Michigan GOP waits on Trump
Republicans hope the retirement of Democratic Sen. Gary Peters and a crowded, expensive Democratic primary, will help them capture a seat that has eluded them for more than three decades. Here, too, all eyes are on Trump.
Republicans are rallying around former Rep. Mike Rogers, who came within 20,000 votes in 2024 of ending that losing streak. But other Republicans could complicate things. Rep. Bill Huizenga has said he is waiting for guidance from the president on whether he should run against Rogers.
Democrats have their own messy primary, with state Sen. Mallory McMorrow up against Rep. Haley Stevens, state Rep. Joe Tate, and former Wayne County Health Director Abdul El-Sayed.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
They were pleased to see that, even without any declared challengers, Rogers’ main campaign account raised just $745,000 during the second fundraising quarter, lagging behind both Huizenga and several Democrats. (He brought in another nearly $779,000 through a separate joint fundraising committee.) McMorrow, by comparison, raised more than $2.1 million.
In Louisiana, another Trump antagonist faces voters
Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy has faced scrutiny from his party in Louisiana, in no small part for his 2021 vote to convict Trump after his second impeachment. Will Trump decide to seek retribution against the vulnerable two-term senator or ultimately back him?
Though Cassidy already faces two primary challengers, Louisiana is a reliably Republican state, which Trump won last year by 22 percentage points. Democrats are hoping a strong contender — potentially former Gov. John Bel Edwards, who has attracted Republican votes in the past — might mount a competitive challenge.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Republicans are awaiting word on whether Rep. Julia Letlow will run. In May, Gov. Jeff Landry and Trump privately discussed the two-term congresswoman entering the race.
___
Beaumont reported from Des Moines, Iowa.
Talk about no taxes on tips, less about Medicaid cuts: How GOP is trying to sell Trump’s landmark law
The White House just spent six months jamming a massive legislative package through Congress with almost no margin for error. Now comes the real challenge. Donald Trump’s aides and allies are embarking on a concerted bid to sell the president’s “big, beautiful bill” to voters who are mostly unfamiliar with its specifics. The yearlong mission is seen as critical to preserving GOP control of Congress in next November’s elections. The midterms represent a high-stakes referendum that could determine the course of his final years in office. The urgency behind an extended campaign for the bill underscores how little time the GOP had to explain what was actually in the package before passing it. It signals a recognition of the steep uphill battle the party now faces in selling it after the fact. The White House officials and their allies have coalesced behind a plan to bolster enthusiasm for the sprawling bill by focusing mainly on the narrow slice of policies that have proved most popular. The strategy is aimed primarily at reframing voters’ view of what Republican lawmakers privately acknowledge is an unwieldy and vaguely named bill.
Donald Trump’s aides and allies are embarking on a concerted bid to sell the president’s “big, beautiful bill” to voters who are mostly unfamiliar with its specifics and skeptical of what little they have heard about the administration’s central domestic accomplishment.
The yearlong mission — relying in part on dispatching top Trump officials across the country to highlight the bill’s economic benefits — is seen as critical to preserving GOP control of Congress in next November’s elections, according to interviews with more than half a dozen White House aides, allies and Republican lawmakers.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
And for a White House that’s cast Trump’s agenda as a financial boon for Americans, the midterms represent a high-stakes referendum that could determine the course of his final years in office.
“It comes down to whether people feel like they’re doing better and have more money in their pockets,” said one Trump political adviser. “And if they don’t think the economy’s going well, then we’ve got a problem.”
Republicans will have several months to make headway with voters before the midterm season heats up, after lawmakers passed nearly the entirety of Trump’s domestic agenda in a single multitrillion-dollar package just ahead of the White House’s self-imposed July 4 deadline.
But the urgency behind an extended campaign for the bill underscores how little time the GOP had to explain what was actually in the package before passing it — and signals a recognition of the steep uphill battle the party now faces in selling it after the fact.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
What Americans did learn about the bill amid the rushed process was largely negative, polling has shown. Perhaps most alarming for Trump and Republicans, party operatives said, is that many voters remain concerned that rather than juicing the economy as the president promised, a package that includes deep cuts to Medicaid and food assistance might end up leaving them worse off overall.
“I’m not sure anybody completely understands what’s in it, including most of the people who voted for it,” said Whit Ayres, a Republican pollster. “But there are a lot of provisions in it that will be challenging to sell to many of the Trump voters who live in small-town and rural areas, a great many of whom are on Medicaid.”
White House officials and their allies have coalesced behind a plan to bolster enthusiasm for the sprawling bill by focusing mainly on the narrow slice of policies that have proved most popular — such as provisions eliminating taxes on tips and on overtime pay, according to GOP lawmakers and campaign officials. Republican leadership has also encouraged lawmakers to tailor their messaging on Trump’s agenda to their specific constituencies’ priorities.
“Energy states are going to talk about the things that are going to really help us build our energy dominance; border states, probably more about border security,” said Sen. John Hoeven of North Dakota. “You’ve got all those general concepts that are important, and then how you present it is going to be a function of what you work on as a member and what’s really important in your state.”
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
That strategy is aimed primarily at reframing voters’ view of what Republican lawmakers privately acknowledge is an unwieldy and vaguely named bill, while also allowing them to paper over more unpopular elements such as the hundreds of billions of projected cuts to health care spending needed to help pay for the array of tax breaks.
Democrats have seized on those Medicaid cuts, betting that the backlash will propel them back into power next year. Within GOP circles, strategists plotting out the next several months are operating under the theory that if they can simply contain the damage done to the party on health care issues, they’ll be able to press advantages elsewhere.
“As long as we level the playing field on the Medicaid aspect, we can talk about tax cuts and border security all day,” said one Republican campaign official. “It’s something we think about every day: What is the narrative of this cycle?”
Vice President JD Vance speaks about the “big, beautiful bill” in West Pittston, Pennsylvania, on July 16. – Eduardo Munoz/Reuters
In eastern Pennsylvania on Wednesday, Vice President JD Vance offered an early look at how Trump officials will try to execute on the strategy in forthcoming trips to key districts, touting the bill’s tax breaks and energy policies in a state where the coal and gas industry plays a major role. He made no mention of Medicaid and the broader health provisions expected to eliminate coverage for nearly 12 million people over a decade, instead urging attendees to talk up the bill’s benefits in their own communities.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
“Go and talk to your neighbors, go and talk to your friends about what this bill does for American citizens,” Vance said.
The White House is still finalizing which Cabinet officials to send where to promote the bill over the next several months. In a statement, White House spokeswoman Abigail Jackson called the bill “an encapsulation of the campaign promises that the American people elected President Trump to enact.”
“The Trump administration plans to communicate the massive achievements in the One Big Beautiful Bill at every opportunity,” she said.
Still, there are lingering doubts across the GOP about how quickly the White House and Republican lawmakers can turn around public opinion — and whether enough voters will feel enough of the benefits in time to salvage their congressional majorities.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The bill’s passage further widened an advantage Democrats hold over Republicans over which party’s base is more energized to vote, CNN polling released last week shows.
The GOP has so far made little progress toward countering Democratic attacks over Medicaid cuts as well, even as Republicans point to data showing the specific policies in the bill imposing work requirements and restricting eligibility have majority support.
And while Republicans believe they will eventually find their footing, much of their fate may depend on whether Trump and his GOP allies can stay focused on promoting the bill for more than a year. In the weeks since July 4, Trump’s heightened attacks on the Federal Reserve chair and his administration’s botched handling of promised Jeffrey Epstein disclosures have created days of news cycles that distracted from the administration’s core agenda.
“The sales job is important, and when the administration then gets in its own way with things that are going to garner a lot of media attention — let’s say, Jeffrey Epstein, for instance — that impacts that,” said Doug Heye, a longtime Republican strategist.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The White House in the coming weeks is likely to face another decision point that could alter Republicans’ trajectory ahead of the midterms: Whether to push Congress to pass new legislation enacting even more spending cuts, and potentially even pursue a second major policy bill at some point next year.
The prospect has animated budget hawks in the White House and on Capitol Hill eager to further shrink federal spending. But others are wary of the political fallout of slashing more from popular programs after congressional Republicans just passed a $9 billion cuts package taking aim at PBS and NPR.
And with little GOP consensus on what policies the party should pursue next, some Republicans say focusing on how to sell their one “big, beautiful bill” is challenge enough for the coming year.
“Given the fact this bill is enormous,” Ayres said, “I don’t know that you really need much of anything else to try to explain.”
For more CNN news and newsletters create an account at CNN.com
Longmont City Council delays Tull-Distel land swap vote
The Longmont City Council has postponed its first reading and public hearing on the controversial Tull-Distel land swap. Instead, the council will hold an executive session regarding “Holcim mineral interests and operations and open space property interests” The city already owns both properties — the “swap” would be between city departments. The Distel property would be seriously considered as a site for a future composting facility, which could help Boulder County reach its sustainability goals, according to the Boulder County Public Works Department. Opponents argue that open space should be reserved for open space purposes, and raise concerns over noise and light pollution. The city staff presented a scenario that would increase open space by 5 acres and “preserve the most ecologically sensitive areas along the St. Vrain and Boulder creek corridors … and expand riparian habitat on the Tull property’’ The city’s current composting guidelines do not permit the composting of animal parts to attract eagles.
Holcim — formerly Aggregate Industries — sold both properties to the city in 2019.
New map revealed by city staff at the city of Longmont’s July 16 Sustainability Advisory Board Meeting
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The proposed land exchange concerns two properties in unincorporated Weld County. The city already owns both properties — the “swap” would be between city departments. The Distel property is part of the city’s open space program, while the Tull property is under the city’s Utilities and Public Works Department. If the exchange is approved, the Tull property would be repositioned under the city’s open space program. The Distel property would be seriously considered as a site for a future composting facility, which could help Boulder County reach its sustainability goals, according to the Boulder County Public Works Department.
Proponents of the Distel property composting facility argue that the Distel property is already being used for gravel mining, making it more suitable for industrial purposes. Opponents argue that open space taxpayer dollars should be reserved for open space purposes, and raise concerns over noise and light pollution.
Several opponents spoke June 23 to the Parks and Recreation Advisory Board, which then voted 3-2 to reject a land swap ordinance as it is currently proposed.
At a Sustainability Advisory Board meeting on Wednesday, city staff presented a scenario that would increase open space by 5 acres and “preserve the most ecologically sensitive areas along the St. Vrain and Boulder creek corridors … and expand riparian habitat on the Tull property.”
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Wildlife advocates have raised concerns about how the construction of a Boulder County composting facility could negatively impact bald eagle habitat near Longmont’s Distel property as well, suggesting that bald eagles nesting near the composting facility could begin eating scraps from the compost rather than hunting, eventually losing their natural abilities to hunt for food and sustain themselves.
Dana Bove, retired federal geologist and founder of the nonprofit Front Range Eagle Studies, an organization dedicated to the study and conservation of nesting and winter roosting bald eagles in the northern Front Range, has expressed concerns about the Tull-Distel land swap’s potential negative effect on bald eagle populations from the start.
At the June advisory board meeting, he pointed out that the area just east of the town where Boulder Creek and St. Vrain River come together has been a vital winter refuge for bald eagles for decades. And yet, their population has already been experiencing a documented “clear and troubling decline,” he said, arguing that they don’t need any additional stressors.
Kara Van Hoose, Northeast Region public information officer for Colorado Parks and Wildlife, told the Times-Call that it’s possible a compost facility that allows animal parts could attract eagles.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
“If a compost facility allows animal parts, it’s possible the eagles will choose to feed on scraps there,” Van Hoose said in an email. “In talking with our avian researchers, they are not aware of any permanent altered behavior in eagles in such cases.
“Eagles would not forgo a prey opportunity elsewhere because of the facility’s presence. The innate hunting drive would remain. If a compost facility does not allow animal parts, then the eagles would not be attracted to it as they are carnivores,” she added.
Boulder County’s current composting guidelines do not permit the composting of animal parts.
Additionally, the proposed area on the Distel property for the composting facility lies more than half a mile from any recorded bald eagle nesting and roosting habitats, which meets the buffer recommendations from state and federal wildlife agencies, according to CPW. Bove said that buffer requirements set by state and federal wildlife agencies are not always adequate.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Longmont city code permits certain reassignments of open space land if proper reimbursements are made, a process detailed in the city’s 2011 Open Space Disposition Code. For Weld County’s part, their planning staff has confirmed that composting is a potentially allowable use on agricultural-zoned properties, such as the Distel site, through a use by special review process. They cited A1 Organics’ smaller composting facility at 16350 County Road near Eaton, which currently operates under a USR in unincorporated Weld County in an agricultural zone.
“The city of Longmont spans both Boulder and Weld counties. As such, a composting facility serving Longmont residents would benefit community members from both counties. If the process moves forward, the city looks forward to working with both Boulder and Weld counties to advance our shared composting goals,” read a June project update on Longmont’s website.
While a new composting facility in the region could help accomplish some of the targets outlined within Boulder County’s 2023 Sustainability Plan — including its zero waste goal, prevention of landfilling and greenhouse gas emissions, shortening hauling distances for waste, and improving land health with finished compost — finding the most efficient balance of land use has proven to be a challenge.
Boulder County’s sustainability plan outlines the importance of land use in its sustainability, climate action and resilience plan, placing emphasis on a compact land-use pattern.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
“A compact land-use pattern focuses growth in urban areas, which helps to avoid sprawl and ensures efficient use of land and natural resources, while also preserving farmland, open space, and wildlife habitat,” the plan reads.
At the June meeting, city staff argued that the land exchange would ultimately increase the total acreage of open space, accelerate restoration efforts and enhance habitat connectivity. They also noted that any facility on the site would require separate environmental and planning approvals.
But skeptics said a net gain of five acres is small and questioned whether the swap would set a precedent for industrial development on land residents believed would remain protected.
Daniel Wolford, who served as Longmont’s open space manager from 2017 to 2021, said that open space land “shouldn’t be treated as a bargaining chip.” He expressed concern about the message it sends to voters who supported the open space tax extension in 2024.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
“Even if the amount of open space increases, it raises trust issues,” Wolford said. “The public needs to know that when they vote for open space, it’s protected.”
He also noted that the Distel property was not acquired with the intention of later reassigning it. “The idea was to preserve that property long term, not to hand it off for a public works facility.”
PRAB listened to numerous individuals speak out against using open space tax dollars for other purposes.
“Moving or exchanging existing open space property is not what the voters of Longmont want,” former Longmont Mayor Roger Lange said at the meeting. “Longmont voters share the belief that existing open space should be left alone and not be a candidate for any future property exchange.”
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Several speakers cited the results of a 2024 ballot measure in which more than 70% of voters approved extending the city’s open space sales tax.
“They did so with the understanding that these lands would be preserved, not reassigned for industrial use,” said Jeff Lester, a Longmont resident and member of Longmont Friends of Open Space, a group of Longmont residents who advocate on behalf of open space and public land.
The city disputes this, with spokesman Scott Rochat noting in an email to the Times-Call that open space has been repurposed to meet other community purposes in the past, citing an instance in 2009 when the street fund reimbursed the open space fund for 2.57 acres of Dickens Nature Area (open space) for the purpose of extending Martin Street south of First Avenue to what is now the Martin Street Bridge.
“After this occurred, the city council decided to formalize and codify that process, adopting the current Open Space Disposition code, Chapter 14.52, in 2011. Another example came after the adoption of that code, when the council approved the disposition of 5.94 acres of open space in 2013 for the extension of Boston Avenue from Martin Street to the west,” Rochat wrote.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
Additionally, Rochat noted that in the past, Longmont open space was purchased with general funds since the open space fund had not been created, citing Sandstone Ranch as an example.
“The Distel property was purchased with the Open Space Fund. The Tull property was purchased with various funds including the Open Space Fund, the Water Fund, the Sanitary Sewer Fund, the Street Fund and the Stormwater Fund,” he added.
Ethan Augreen, who serves on Longmont’s Sustainability Advisory Board, published an article on July 18 analyzing the revised compost site footprint. He noted that the new maps reveal the potential composting area at Distel is 15.3 acres, significantly smaller than earlier estimates.
He argued that smaller facilities tend to be more environmentally manageable and expressed hope that the revised plan could alleviate some public concerns. However, he also warned that the city must provide clearer guardrails for future land use decisions if it wishes to maintain public trust.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
While some speakers voiced tentative support for the proposal, many said it should be postponed or conditioned on the results of the compost feasibility study and completion of a phase two environmental assessment.
In 2019, Boulder County conducted the first phase of an environmental site assessment for the Distel and Tull properties, concluding that additional investigation is needed to evaluate whether toxic environmental conditions exist on the site. Phase two of the study, which is underway, is expected to conclude in September, according to a July 7 news release from Boulder County.
Several expressed concerns about possible groundwater contamination and traffic impacts, particularly for rural Weld County residents living near the site.
PRAB members discussed those concerns at length. Board member Scott Conlin abstained from the vote. Board member Nick Novello was absent from the meeting.
After deliberation, the board voted 3-2 to recommend that the City Council reject the current version of the land swap. Thomas Davis, Erin Angel and Brandi Reyes voted in favor; Sam Libby and Hannah Mulroy were opposed. While the vote is advisory, the City Council has final authority over whether to proceed.
The council is now expected to take up the land exchange on Aug. 12.
UN agency says ‘countless’ people killed while awaiting aid in Gaza
A large number of starving people in the Gaza Strip have been killed by Israeli fire while waiting for UN aid trucks. Local health authorities reported 67 Palestinians were killed, while Palestinian news agency WAFA reported 58 dead and at least 60 injured. The Israeli military said warning shots had been fired amid “an imminent threat” and expressed doubts about the reported casualty figures. The details of the incident are currently being investigated, the military said, but added an initial review indicated that the reported casualties figures do not match the information provided by the army. According to UN figures, hundreds have died in the vicinity of aid distribution points and around aid convoys since the end of May. Israeli army is expanding its operations in the city of Deir al-Balah, according to a statement from an army spokesman. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) warned the mass displacement order had dealth “yet another devastating blow” to Gaza Strip. The area of Gaza under displacement orders or within Israeli-militarized zones has risen to 87.8%, leaving 2.1 million civilians “squeezed into a small area”
Shortly after crossing through the northern Zikim crossing into Gaza, a 25 WFP truck convoy encountered large crowds of civilians waiting to access food supplies, the UN agency said on X.
“As the convoy approached, the surrounding crowd came under fire from Israeli tanks, snipers and other gunfire.”
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The incident resulted in the loss of “countless lives” with many more suffering critical injuries, WFP said.
“These people were simply trying to access food to feed themselves and their families on the brink of starvation. This terrible incident underscores the increasingly dangerous conditions under which humanitarian operations are forced to be conducted in Gaza.”
Local health authorities reported 67 Palestinians were killed, while Palestinian news agency WAFA reported 58 dead and at least 60 injured.
The Israeli military said warning shots had been fired amid “an imminent threat” and expressed doubts about the reported casualty figures.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The details of the incident are currently being investigated, the military said, but added an initial review indicated that the reported casualty figures do not match the information provided by the army.
The information could not be independently verified at first.
WAFA, citing medical sources, reported that 132 people had been killed in the Gaza Strip on Sunday, including 94 aid seekers.
The UN and aid organizations report catastrophic conditions in the Gaza Strip, whose almost 2 million residents are almost entirely dependent on aid to survive following almost 22 months of fighting between Israel and Palestinian militant group Hamas.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
According to UN figures, hundreds have died in the vicinity of aid distribution points and around aid convoys since the end of May.
Footage shows dead bodies
Footage shared on Palestinian and social media shows several bodies following Israeli shelling in the north-west of Gaza City. A dead boy and his distraught relatives can also be seen. The authenticity of the footage and the reports could not initially be independently verified.
WAFA put the death toll from Israeli military operations in the Gaza Strip since October 2023 at at least 58,895, with more than 140,980 injured. The agency cites Palestinian medical sources for its figures.
Israel expands operations in central Gaza
The Israeli army is expanding its operations in the city of Deir al-Balah in the centre of the Gaza Strip, according to a statement from an army spokesman, who called on residents to leave the area in a post in Arabic on X on Sunday.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The Israeli military continues “to operate with intensity to eliminate terrorists and to dismantle terrorist infrastructure in the area and is expanding its activities into new areas,” the army said in a statement. “For your safety, immediately evacuate southward toward Al-Mawasi.”
Al-Mawasi in the south-west of the embattled area was designated by Israel as a “humanitarian zone” earlier in the war. However, the Israeli military has since also attacked there multiple times. The army said targets included facilities of Hamas.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) warned the mass displacement order had dealth “yet another devastating blow” to the Gaza Strip.
Initial estimates indicated that between 50,000 and 80,000 people were in the area at the time the order was issued, including some 30,000 people sheltering in 57 displacement sites, OCHA said.
Advertisement Advertisement
Advertisement Advertisement
The newly-designated area included several humanitarian warehouses, four primary health clinics, four medical points, and critical water infrastructure, OCHA said.
“Any damage to this infrastructure will have life-threatening consequences.”
OCHA said the latest order meant the area of Gaza under displacement orders or within Israeli-militarized zones has risen to 87.8%, leaving 2.1 million civilians “squeezed” into a small area.
“The new order cuts through Deir al-Balah all the way to the Mediterranean Sea, further splintering the Strip. It will limit the ability of the UN and our partners to move safely and effectively within Gaza, choking humanitarian access when it is needed most.”
Injured and bodies were brought to Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City after Israeli forces opened fire on civilians who were waiting for humanitarian aid near the Zikim area on the northern Gaza coastline. Omar Ashtawy/APA Images via ZUMA Press Wire/dpa
Source: https://thespun.com/college-hoops/sports-fans-saddened-by-barron-trumps-announcement