US demands to know what allies would do in event of war over Taiwan
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Diverging Reports Breakdown
US demands clarity from allies on their role in potential war over Taiwan, FT reports
The Pentagon is urging Japan and Australia to clarify what role they would play if the U.S. and China went to war over Taiwan, the Financial Times reported on Saturday. The reported request caught both Tokyo and Canberra off guard, the newspaper said. Taiwan has faced increased military pressure from China, including several rounds of war games, as Beijing seeks to assert its sovereignty claims over the island.
Item 1 of 2 Flags of U.S. and China are seen in this illustration picture taken August 2, 2022. REUTERS/Florence Lo/Illustration/File Photo
July 12 (Reuters) – The Pentagon is urging Japan and Australia to clarify what role they would play if the U.S. and China went to war over Taiwan , the Financial Times reported on Saturday.
Elbridge Colby, the U.S. under-secretary of defense for policy, has been pushing the matter during recent talks with defense officials of both countries, the report said, citing people familiar with the discussions.
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According to the newspaper, the reported request caught both Tokyo and Canberra off guard, as the U.S. itself does not offer a blank cheque guarantee to defend Taiwan.
Reuters could not verify the report. The U.S. department of defense did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The U.S is Taiwan’s most important arms supplier, despite a lack of formal diplomatic ties. Taiwan has faced increased military pressure from China, including several rounds of war games, as Beijing seeks to assert its sovereignty claims over the island. Taiwan rejects China’s assertion of sovereignty.
Colby was deputy assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development during President Donald Trump’s first term. Colby is known for arguing that the U.S. military should prioritize competition with China and shift its focus from the Middle East and Europe.
Reporting by Shivani Tanna in Bengaluru; Editing by Sharon Singleton, William Maclean
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Rubio meets China’s Wang amid trade tensions, says good chance of Trump-Xi talks
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Friday he had “positive and constructive” talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. Rubio was in Malaysia on his first Asia trip since taking office, seeking to stress the U.S.’s commitment to the region. Beijing warned Washington against reinstating hefty levies on its goods next month and threatened retaliation against nations that strike deals with the United States. China’s Foreign Ministry said Wang had emphasised that both countries should translate consensus reached by their leaders into policies and actions. But both sides described their bilateral meeting as positive and constructive on Friday, saying it was a constructive baseline for more talks to take place in the future. The visit was part of an effort to renew U.s. focus on the Indo-Pacific region and look beyond conflicts in the Middle East and Europe that have consumed much of the administration’s attention since Trump’s return to office in January. But this was overshadowed by this week’s announcement of steep U.N. tariffs on imports from many Asian countries.
Item 1 of 2 US Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi during the 58th ASEAN Foreign Ministers? meeting and related meetings at the Convention Centre in Kuala Lumpur on July 11, 2025. MANDEL NGAN/Pool via REUTERS
Summary
Companies Rubio makes first Asia trip amid tariffs angst
Wang meeting to establish baseline for more talks, Rubio says
Wang tells Southeast Asian counterparts US tariffs are abusive
‘I think it’s coming’ Rubio says of Trump-Xi meeting
ASEAN ministers say tariffs troublesome, need to diversify trade
KUALA LUMPUR, July 11 (Reuters) – U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said on Friday he had “positive and constructive” talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, as the two major powers vied to push their agendas in Asia at a time of tension over Washington’s tariff offensive
The top U.S. diplomat was in Malaysia on his first Asia trip since taking office, seeking to stress the U.S. commitment to the region at the East Asia Summit and ASEAN Regional Forum, where many countries were reeling from a raft of steep U.S. tariffs announced by U.S. President Donald Trump this week.
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Rubio had his first in-person talks with China’s foreign minister, which came after Beijing warned Washington against reinstating hefty levies on its goods next month and threatened retaliation against nations that strike deals with the U.S. to cut China out of supply chains.
Wang sharply criticised Washington during talks with Asian counterparts in Malaysia, calling the U.S. tariffs “typical unilateral bullying behavior”.
But both sides described their bilateral meeting as positive and constructive on Friday. And Rubio said the odds of Trump meeting Chinese President Xi Jinping were high.
“We’re two big, powerful countries, and there are always going to be issues that we disagree on. I think there’s some areas of potential cooperation and I thought it was a very constructive, positive meeting, and a lot of work to do,” he told reporters.
Rubio emphasised that his sit-down with Wang was not a negotiation, but rather about establishing a constructive baseline to continue talks.
Rubio noted Trump had been invited to visit China, and added: “It’s a visit he wants to undertake, and so we’ll work on finding the right date for that, but I’m sure it’ll happen because the president – both presidents – want it to happen.”
“We have to build the right atmosphere and build … deliverables, so that a visit isn’t just a visit, but it actually has some takeaways from it that are concrete,” he said.
China’s Foreign Ministry said Wang had emphasised that both countries should translate consensus reached by their leaders into policies and actions.
“Both sides agreed that the meeting was positive, pragmatic and constructive,” it said.
TRIP OVERSHADOWED BY TARIFFS
Rubio’s visit was part of an effort to renew U.S. focus on the Indo-Pacific region and look beyond conflicts in the Middle East and Europe that have consumed much of the administration’s attention since Trump’s return to office in January.
But this was overshadowed by this week’s announcement of steep U.S. tariffs on imports from many Asian countries and U.S. allies, including 25% targeting Japan, South Korea and Malaysia, 32% for Indonesia, 36% for Thailand and Cambodia and 40% on goods from Myanmar and Laos.
China, initially singled out with levies exceeding 100%, has until August 12 to reach a deal with Washington to avoid Trump’s reinstating additional import curbs imposed during tit-for-tat tariff exchanges in April and May.
Analysts said Rubio would use the trip to press the case that the United States remains a better partner than China, Washington’s main strategic rival. Rubio met his counterparts from Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam and Indonesia on Friday.
Southeast Asia expert Murray Hiebert, from Washington’s Center for Strategic and International Studies, said it was positive Rubio had made his first Indo-Pacific trip, but his pledge about U.S. engagement was undercut by Trump’s treatment of key friends and partners on tariffs.
“This made it much easier for Wang Yi to talk about China’s stable and reliable economic relations,” he said.
Wang rebuked the United States in Kuala Lumpur, saying no country should support or agree with its tariffs, according to remarks released by Beijing on Friday.
He told Thailand’s foreign minister the tariffs had been abused and “undermined the free trade system, and interfered with the stability of the global production and supply chain.”
During a meeting with his Cambodian counterpart, Wang said the U.S. levies were an attempt to deprive Southeast Asian countries of their legitimate right to development.
“We believe that Southeast Asian countries have the ability to cope with complex situations, adhere to principled positions, and safeguard their own interests,” he said.
In a joint communique, ASEAN foreign ministers expressed concern over rising global trade tensions and called for a transparent and fair multilateral trading system.
Without mentioning the United States, they said unilateral tariffs were “counterproductive and risk exacerbating global economic fragmentation”.
INDISPENSABLE PARTNERSHIP
Rubio also met Russia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov on Thursday and said he and Lavrov shared some ideas on a new or different Russian approach on Ukraine.
“I don’t want to oversell it, OK, but it was constructive,” he said on Friday. “We’ll find out, but there are some things that we will potentially explore, and I relayed that to the president and our team last night.”
Rubio also met Japan’s foreign minister and South Korea’s first vice foreign minister to discuss strengthening their “indispensable trilateral partnership”, the U.S. State Department said.
Asked about Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba’s remarks on Thursday that Tokyo needs to wean itself off of its dependence on Washington, Rubio said it was not a comment to be viewed negatively.
“We obviously have very strong commitments and an alliance with Japan. We continue to cooperate very closely with them,” he said.
Reporting by Daphne Psaledakis and Danial Azhar in Kuala Lumpur; Additional reporting by Liz Lee, Xiuhao Chen and Yukun Zhang in Beijing, Mikhail Flores in Manila and David Brunnstrom in Washington; Writing by Rozanna Latiff and Martin Petty; Editing by Saad Sayeed, Joe Bavier and Rod Nickel
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If we go to war, submarines come too: How US could demand AUKUS changes
The administration is split between isolationists, old school Republican globalists, and those who see China as the biggest threat. It is not clear if Colby’s boss, Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, or the broader White House support those ideas. Former Australian ambassador to the US Arthur Sinodinos suggested the White House was more supportive of the submarine deal than Colby. The Pentagon last week moved to pause weapons deliveries to Ukraine at Colby’s urging, but Trump reversed the move just days later. Australian officials believe the probe will take weeks or months longer. Albanese is beginning a six-day tour of China on Saturday during which he will hold his third meeting with Xi since coming to power. The prime minister delivered a speech on Saturday affirming support for the US alliance but signalling Australia would pursue its own interests first.
Jennifer Hendrixson White, a former US official who was the lead negotiator for the AUKUS legislation in the Senate, also indicated Rubio’s department was caught off guard by Colby’s review, and said the State Department and Congress supported AUKUS. She said leasing rather than selling the submarine was a subject of intense debate when the legislation was passed. AUKUS sceptic: Elbridge Colby, US defence undersecretary. Credit: Bloomberg “It’s reasonable to expect the new team will want to put their mark on the agreement, but I don’t expect they will jettison it entirely,” White said. “With this team, there’s always a desire to increase leverage and ‘get a better deal’. “If I was in London or Canberra, I would count on increased defence spending being one of the things the Administration is looking for. They have made similar requests across the board with other allies and partners.”
Former Australian ambassador to the US Arthur Sinodinos suggested the White House was more supportive of the submarine deal than Colby. “There are indications that this is very much a Pentagon-initiated matter,” Sinodinos said. Credit: Matt Golding Reflecting the split within the Republican Party, veteran senator Mitch McConnell castigated “isolationists and restrainers” in Trump’s administration on Wednesday, saying they were weakening relations with allies. “The self-indulgent policymaking of restrainers – from Ukraine to AUKUS – has so often required the president to clean up his staff’s messes,” McConnell said in a statement. When Colby’s review was revealed on June 12, press reports suggested it would take 30 days, meaning it would conclude during Albanese’s trip to China. Australian officials believe the probe will take weeks or months longer.
Demanding Australian involvement in a flare-up over Taiwan – a self-governing democracy that China views as a wayward province – would limit Australian sovereignty. Experts believe a military confrontation over Taiwan has become more likely with Xi as China’s leader. Albanese is beginning a six-day tour of China on Saturday during which he will hold his third meeting with Xi since coming to power. The prime minister delivered a speech on Saturday affirming support for the US alliance but signalling Australia would pursue its own interests first. Albanese has deflected US calls for Australia to spend more on defence after NATO allies agreed to increase military spending in recent weeks. Loading Stephen Tankel, an official with the US National Security Council until January, said some in the US administration believed any submarines sold to Australia should be put under US operational command in the event of war.
Rubio seeks to counter unease over Trump tariffs on first Asia trip
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with foreign ministers from around the world. Meeting includes Australia, China, the European Union, Japan, Russia, South Korea and others. “We need to work to become more self-sufficient in security, and less dependent on America,” he says. “The story of the next 50 years will largely be written here in this region,” Rubio tells ASEAN ministers. “If the two countries reach a trade agreement by August 1, it could fade,” he adds. “But Ishiba’s comments reflect sentiment that is real and widespread,” says Rubio. “Peace cannot be achieved through force, and applying pressure won’t solve problems,” says Wang. “I would say distraction is impossible,” Rubio says of the U.S.-Japan tension. “It’s not easy to make a deal,” says U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. “There’s no way to predict what’s going to happen in the future,” says Sen. Marco Rubio.
Summary
Companies Rubio says Indo-Pacific a ‘focal point of U.S. foreign policy’
Ishiba says Japan needs to wean itself off US dependence
U.S. seeks to strengthen ties, counter China’s influence
Rubio holds second in-person meeting with Lavrov
Rubio, Wang Yi may meet this week
KUALA LUMPUR, July 10 (Reuters) – U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio met counterparts in Southeast Asia on Thursday during his first visit to Asia since taking office, seeking to reassure them that the region is a U.S. priority despite President Donald Trump ‘s tariff offensive.
Washington’s top diplomat joined foreign ministers of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Kuala Lumpur at a meeting that includes Australia, China, the European Union, Japan, Russia, South Korea and others.
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The visit is part of an effort to renew U.S. focus on the Indo-Pacific and look beyond conflicts in the Middle East and Europe that have consumed much of the Trump administration’s attention.
“The story of the next 50 years will largely be written here in this region,” Rubio told ASEAN ministers, describing the Indo-Pacific as a “focal point of U.S. foreign policy.”
“When I hear … that perhaps the United States or the world might be distracted by events in other parts of the planet, I would say distraction is impossible,” Rubio added.
In a sign of the upset, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba told a television news programme that Japan needed to wean itself from U.S. dependence in key areas.
“If they think Japan ought to follow what America says as we depend heavily on them, then we need to work to become more self-sufficient in security, energy and food, and less dependent on America,” he said.
Analysts said Rubio would be looking to press the case that the United States remains a better partner than China, Washington’s main strategic rival.
“Rubio said the right things but has limited ability to reassure considering the underlying dynamics,” said Gregory Poling, a Southeast Asia expert at Washington’s Center for Strategic and International Studies.
“All of these countries were receiving letters from the White House with their new tariff rates at the same time Rubio was trying to message continuity.”
Christopher Johnstone, a former Biden White House official now with the Asia Group consultancy, said trade frictions, U.S. pressure over defense spending, and uncertainty about U.S. defense commitments had pushed U.S.-Japan tension to a level probably not seen in a generation. But reducing Tokyo’s reliance on the U.S., he added, was easier said than done.
“And if the two countries reach a trade agreement by August 1, it could fade,” he said. “But Ishiba’s comments reflect sentiment that is real and widespread.”
FRANK EXCHANGE
Rubio said he had a frank discussion and reinforced Trump’s disappointment that there has not been more Russian flexibility.
“We need to see a roadmap moving forward about how this conflict can conclude,” Rubio told reporters.
Russia’s foreign ministry said there was “a substantive and frank exchange of views” on the situation around Ukraine, Iran and Syria.
Rubio said he may also meet with Chinese counterpart Wang Yi this week.
Lavrov met Wang, who said China and Russia should strengthen coordination to promote Middle East peace and push for dialogue on the Iran nuclear issue.
“Peace cannot be achieved through force, and applying pressure won’t solve problems,” Wang said, according to the foreign ministry in Beijing.
Wang separately pledged China’s help to boost ASEAN’s capacity to implement the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, an Asian trade pact Beijing is backing.
Rubio addressed the tariff issue in speaking to reporters.
“Of course it’s raised,” he said. “It’s an issue, but I wouldn’t say it solely defines our relationship with many of these countries. There are a lot of other issues that we work together on.”
He said a high-level delegation, including U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, would travel to Japan next week.
PERFECT STORM
Export-reliant ASEAN is collectively the world’s fifth-biggest economy. Only Vietnam has secured a deal with Trump to lower its levy to 20% from an initial 46%.
Trump has also upset another key Indo-Pacific ally, Australia, which said on Wednesday that it was “urgently seeking more detail” on his threat of 200% tariffs on pharmaceutical imports.
At a meeting with ASEAN, China, Japan and South Korea, Malaysian Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan said Asia was being tested and is facing “the perfect storm.”
“Unilateralism and nationalism are on the rise, marginalising multilateralism that is essential for a stable world order,” he said.
The U.S. State Department said Rubio discussed building resilient critical mineral supply chains and security of AI chip technologies with Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.
Anwar said in video released by his office that tariffs were the first item for discussion.
“He knows Malaysia is a major trading country for them in this region and he pledged to consider and extend our views (to Trump),” Anwar said.
A draft joint ASEAN communique seen by Reuters, preceding news of the latest tariff rates, shows that ASEAN foreign ministers, without specifically mentioning the U.S., will express concern about rising global uncertainties “particularly the unilateral actions relating to tariffs”.
Reporting by Daphne Psaledakis, Rozanna Latiff and Danial Azhar in Kuala Lumpur; Liz Lee in Beijing, David Brunnstrom in Washington and Lucy Papachristou; Editing by Martin Petty, Clarence Fernandez, Chizu Nomiyama and Matthew Lewis
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The ‘ironclad’ US-South Korea alliance is outdated. A new age requires a ‘titanium’ alliance.
The US-South Korea alliance is often spoken about as being “born in blood” when the United States intervened to help defend South Korea after North Korea attacked in 1950. With the seventy-fifth anniversary of the start of the war upon us, it is time to honor that legacy but move beyond it. Conventional wisdom from both political parties in Washington and in Seoul is that the Trump administration is looking at cutting the US troop presence in South Korea. Lee and Trump will have to lead this effort, but new politicos and old hands alike will need to work together to help achieve real transformation in the alliance, writes Kim Dong-gook. Click on the banner above to explore the Tiger Project for more information on how to change the US-S. Korea alliance and its description of what the alliance should become, and below is how this change should start. The Tiger Project is a joint effort by CNN and the University of South Korea, with the support of the Korea Institute of Defense Studies and Policy.
SEOUL—Even as Washington’s attention is fixed on the Middle East this week, Korea may soon rocket back to the top of the White House’s agenda. North Korean leader Kim Jong Un could, for example, respond to US President Donald Trump’s reported interest in reengaging him either by launching a public confrontation punctuated by a new weapons tests or by suddenly offering a summit. Another possibility is that North Korea escalates against South Korea simply because it senses an opportunity. Yet another is that a regional crisis triggered by China has ripple effects for deterrence and the US military presence on the Korean Peninsula. Regardless of the cause, Washington’s ability to achieve its goals in such situations will in large part be determined by the strength of its alliance with Seoul.
With South Korean President Lee Jae-myung just beginning his term, and with Trump having not yet laid out his second-term plans for Korea issues, the time is ripe for Washington to engage Seoul. The two countries’ goal should be to set a new foundation for the alliance, one that reflects the current strategic environment. The US-South Korea alliance is often spoken about as being “born in blood” when the United States intervened to help defend South Korea after North Korea attacked in 1950. With the seventy-fifth anniversary of the start of the war upon us, it is time to honor that legacy but move beyond it.
Lee and Trump will have to lead this effort, but new politicos and old hands alike will need to work together to help achieve real transformation in the alliance. Neither side should default to old formulas and platitudes. For years, Washington has referred to the venerable alliance as “ironclad” as a reassurance to Seoul. But just as ironclad warships look powerful but are out of date, the alliance and its description should be updated to meet the demands of the times. As one US defense official reportedly put it in late May, it is time to “modernize” the alliance and “calibrate” the US force posture on the peninsula. Perhaps “titanium” is a more appropriate description of what the alliance should become, and below is how this change should start.
Posture check
One foundational issue with the alliance must be addressed as soon as possible: US military posture in Korea, which includes its size, its composition, its missions, and the associated cost-sharing. In addition, it must also include how US posture affects the alliance’s approach toward China. Conventional wisdom from both political parties in Washington and in Seoul is that the Trump administration is looking at cutting the US troop presence in South Korea. Informed observers expect that, at minimum, the administration will ask for more cost-sharing for this presence, given Trump’s comments suggesting that he would negotiate with South Korea on “payment for the big time military protection we provide.” At the same time, South Koreans’ longstanding concerns about being either abandoned or entrapped during a US-China war are coming back to the forefront.
Through the Special Measures Agreement (SMA), South Korea does pay a sizable portion of the costs of stationing roughly 28,000 US military members in South Korea. According to US Forces Korea, Seoul contributes around 18 percent, across all US military expenditures in Korea, which in 2026 will add up to the impressive sum of about $1.2 billion. However, past statements from Trump criticizing this agreement and citing a $10 billion figure suggest that he will still deem this amount insufficient.
These numbers are not the whole story, however. Despite bristling by some South Koreans at past demands by Trump for Seoul to pay more, this amount does not come in the form of a direct transfer to the US Treasury as though this is “protection money” or these personnel are Hessian mercenaries for hire. Under the SMA, these funds are mostly spent on goods and services provided by South Korean individuals and companies to sustain the US force presence. In other words, while they benefit the alliance, they are largely domestic subsidies for South Korea’s economy.
Moreover, the real cost, value, and investment of the US defense commitment to South Korea is hardly captured by the roughly 28,000 uniformed military personnel of US Forces Korea. This number is largely designed to provide a framework and sustainment for a much larger presence in a wartime scenario rather than combat power in its own right. Combined with large bases, supporting infrastructure, and many supporting civilian officials and contractors, this relatively small number of military personnel is essentially the down payment for a much larger commitment of forces—including the US nuclear deterrent—that helps deter North Korea and that would ensure Pyongyang’s defeat in a war. US Forces Korea’s presence, including US and South Korean personnel intermixed in bilateral facilities, also serves a “tripwire” function to strengthen deterrence, because a large-scale attack by North Korea (or China) would end up engulfing US forces immediately, pulling the United States directly into the fight.
The SMA is a good deal for South Korea, and it still would be even at a much higher price. South Koreans may not want to pay more, but they could contribute much more to defraying the cost of the US military presence without it being a major economic burden given South Korea’s gross domestic product of over $1.7 trillion. The United States undoubtedly benefits strategically from maintaining deterrence against North Korea—thereby enabling regional stability, peace, and prosperity—but South Korea benefits even more from keeping this direct threat at bay.
Beyond ‘ironclad’
Stationing US forces and having major bases in South Korea provide the United States strategic benefits beyond helping to deter North Korean aggression. As General Xavier Brunson, the US Forces Korea commander, noted in May, stationing forces in South Korea helps overcome the “tyranny of distance” given the size of the Indo-Pacific and Korea’s key location in the region.
Relocating those US forces elsewhere would be expensive, and there are not great options in the region for where to send them. In South Korea, the US forces have excellent opportunities to train and directly contribute to the regional stability that is vital for US and South Korean prosperity. In particular, the facilities in South Korea are key logistics hubs for the broader US presence in the Indo-Pacific, and the prospect of such bases being used to support the defense of Taiwan could help deter Beijing from aggression—particularly given the bases’ proximity to China.
But this value can only be realized if there are mutual reassurances about how the alliance will function in the event of a US-China war. As I outlined in a memo published last year, the South Korean president should at least tacitly affirm that Seoul will adhere to the 1953 mutual defense treaty as a two-way treaty, not just a commitment by the United States to defend South Korea against North Korea. If, for example, the United States were to come to the defense of Taiwan and China responded with strikes against US bases, particularly on the US territory of Guam, then South Korea must recognize that the United States could not accept Seoul remaining neutral and US Forces Korea being mere ringside spectators.
Regardless of Lee’s desire to avoid antagonizing Chinese President Xi Jinping, it is hard to imagine the Trump administration accepting that Washington must be willing to risk a nuclear attack by North Korea to save Seoul while South Korean forces, along with US forces and bases stationed in South Korea, are to remain idle while Americans are dying from Chinese missile attacks. For years, Washington has been deferential to South Korean sensitivities on this issue, and on the issue of “strategic flexibility” for US forces in South Korea, even when dealing with ostensibly “hawkish” administrations in Seoul. Now, however, it makes little sense that this should or could continue—particularly with a new US administration so clearly prioritizing deterrence of China and so clearly tired of allies taking the US commitment to their defense for granted.
The Trump and Lee administrations will need to address contentious issues around South Korea’s financial, political, and military commitment to the alliance in a mutually equitable way, supported by a robust and modernized combined US-South Korea defense and military structure. If they can do this, then they can set the stage for a new, stronger, and mutually beneficial alliance that will be better able to keep the fragile regional peace threatened by both nuclear-armed North Korea and China.
However, if the coming months reveal deep rifts between Seoul and Washington on the US presence in South Korea, this may itself lead to a new crisis, as Pyongyang and Beijing could see an opportunity to fracture an alliance that they view as brittle. When put to the test, the US-South Korean alliance should move beyond its “ironclad” legacy and be ready to hold up with the strength of titanium.
Markus Garlauskas is the director of the Indo-Pacific Security Initiative at the Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security, leading the Council’s Tiger Project on War and Deterrence in the Indo-Pacific. He is a former senior US government official with two decades of service as an intelligence officer and strategist, including as chief strategist for US Forces Korea. He posts as @Mister_G_2 on X.
The Tiger Project, an Atlantic Council effort, develops new insights and actionable recommendations for the United States, as well as its allies and partners, to deter and counter aggression in the Indo-Pacific. Explore our collection of work, including expert commentary, multimedia content, and in-depth analysis, on strategic defense and deterrence issues in the region.
Further reading
Image: U.S. Army soldiers cross a pontoon bridge on the Imjingang River during a joint river-crossing exercise between South Korea and the United States as a part of the Freedom Shield military exercise in the South Korean border town of Yeoncheon, north of Seoul, South Korea. Matrix Images/Lee Sang-hoon via Reuters Connect.